Speaking Mind

Of Myths and Facts: Kashmir

2012-02-17T23:00:00.005+05:30

There is a clamor for using the Kashmir label by many ‘studio extremists’ for propaganda and slander which often comes at the cost of truth. Most of the distortions and revilement these ‘studio crusaders’ indulge in, are aimed at self promotion, conveniently camouflaging the reality at ground. And when reality confronts them, they try to gag it by force and intimidation*¹.

Kashmir’s stemmed from primigenos tribes and gradually became Buddhists. Srinagar the capital city was founded by Buddhist King Asoka (296-232 BC) in the 3rd century BC, as ‘Shrinagari’. Hun prince MihiraKula invaded Kashmir and demolished most of the Buddhist places of worship and learning centers. Buddhism started to wane and the local population migrated to many ‘region specific’ cults like, Shaivism, (Agamas) Vaishnavite, Tantric and Shakta and then gradually to Hinduism.

It was only the early 15^th century Sanskrit chronicler Jonaraja who first used the term ‘Hindukas’.

King Harisha 1089-1101 AD is known to have plundered Hindu temples and looted them of riches and wealth, prosecuting a large number of Brahmins.

End of Hindu Rule has nothing to do with Islam

The rule of Hindu Kings ended in Kashmir when in the beginning of 14th century Mongol, Dulucha invaded with an army of 60,000 men and destroyed towns and villages. Buddhist prince of Kashgar Ladakh, Rinchan Shah took over as the King of Kashmir. King Rinchan converted to Islam under the spiritual influence of Muslim saint Bulbul Shah. Although from 10^th century AD Persian, Arab, Turkish traders and travelers had started to bring Islamic influences to Kashmir, it was not until 14^th century that mass conversions took place in Kashmir towards Islam

Mass conversions to Islam

We often hear these ‘studio crusaders’ claim to be the ‘only ethnic Kashmiri’s that existed in Kashmir’; so where did the Kashmiri Muslims come from, mars? Amir-e-Kabir (also known as Shah Hamdan) came to Kashmir in 1384 AD and started propagation of Islam. Kashmiri society fragmented by extreme caste divides enforced by the elite Pandits (Brahmins), found acceptance in Shah Hamdan’s preaching of social equality. Most of mass conversions towards Islam in Kashmir came from the working classes of Kashmiri which is why in later years none of these working classes were to be found among the Kashmiri Pandit fold. Many Kashmiri Brahmins also converted under the influence of Shah Hamadan; to this day there exist common casts like Pandit, Bhat, Koul, Parimoo, Dhar, Raina between Kashmiri Muslims and Pandits.

Kashmiri Pandit Writer, Rattan Lal Hangloo writes in “Glimpses of Hindu-Muslim Relations in Kashmir” (March 2008)

“One interesting aspect that is often picked up by the Kashmiri Pandits as a strong proof of violence committed against them is the mass conversion during Sultan Sikandar’s reign (A.D. 1389-1413) which was both voluntary and forcible. Strangely, the force exercised during the conversion process was exercised by Suha Bhata, a Hindu who was loyal officer of the Sultan Sikandar. The consequence of force was the migration of a large number of Kashmiri Pandits to the neighbouring regions, some of whom returned when Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin (A.D.1420-1470) invited them back……….

Sultan Sikandar is branded as butshikan (idol breaker), though it was king Harsha, a Shavite who indulged in breaking the idols and perpetrated worst crimes against the Pandit community. But Sikandar’s reign was retained by the popular memory and passed on from generation to generation because it marginalized the one religious community and founded the other……..

In the post migration phase from 1990, the Pandit community irrespective of rural-urban divide have been forced to explore their past. The unconsciously communal ones among them pick up Sultan Sikandar’s reign to illustrate the Muslim attitude as anarchic, not knowing that empirically it has no basis.”

Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin (Budshah 1420-1470) knew Persian, Sanskrit and Tibetan, reconstructed Hindu temples in Kashmir, the Mahabharata was translated into Persian by his order and he re-introduced the grant of stipends to the learned Pandit Brahmans. Budshah who had married a Hindu princess from Jammu, invited Pandits who had fled during the reign of Sultan Sikander, to return to Kashmir and facilitated then with high posts in administration along with religious and civil liberties.

Treacherous rule and persecution

In 1753 Abdullah Khan Ishk Aqasi, by Ahmad Shah Durrani invaded Kashmir and thus started the treacherous and oppressive rule of Afghan Durrani’s in Kashmir; Durrani surnames exist in both Muslims and Pandits families of present day Kashmir. The 67 years of Afghan rule were the worst that Kashmir had yet seen. *²

The Sikhs were invited to invade Kashmir in 1819 by Pandit Bribal Dhar, after he was found to have embezzled a lac by the Afghan Governor Azim Khan in Kashmir. Pandit Birbal Dhar was in charge revenue during the Afghan rule of Kashmir. The Sikh invasion *³in Kashmir bought with it economic, political and religious persecution for Kashmiri Muslims. Huge land holdings were conferred by the Maharaja upon Kashmiri Pandit’s who had helped him invade and conquer Kashmir; most of these lands had been snatched from poor Muslim peasants. The central grand mosque of Srinagar ‘Jamia Masjid’ was closed to public for prayers and Muslims were forbidden to say Azan. A Sikh commander Phula Singh even had wanted to blow up the revered ‘Khankah’ Shah Hamadan mosque in Srinagar, but was later dissuaded from doing. It was during this rule that cow slaughter was declared a crime punishable by death and many Muslims were accused of killing cows and publicly hanged (without any trails).

In 1846, the British rulers sold Kashmir (including its people) to Maharaja Gulab Singh (Treaty of Amritsar), for Rs 750,000, one horse, 12 goats and three shawls. The Dogra rule is considered as the darkest eras of Kashmir. Gulab Singh was very cruel and sought to convert all Muslims to Hinduism by force and persecution. He personally went to prison to witness for himself victims flayed alive, the bodies cut open and stuffed with straw. He ordered the bodies of Kashmiri’s to be left and displayed on the wayside so that people see it. During the same reign a governor bragged to Jacque Mont a French traveler, "I hanged 200 Kashmiri Muslims in my first year of office, for no better reason than to frighten others off".

During the rule of Maharaja Gulab Singh, forced labor or 'Baegarr' was enforced for Kashmiri Muslims only. *⁴

After centuries of oppression, Kashmiri’s started to rebel against the torturous Monarchy that had been supported by feudal landlords. On 13^th July 1931 scores of Kashmiri’s (reports 21 killed) were gunned in front of central jail, Srinagar while they were protesting against the desecration of Quran by Dogra soldiers.

Incidentally it was only the Kashmiri Muslims who majorly protested against the Dogra Raj, majority of the Kashmiri Pandits (all of the urban Pandits), who largely benefited from the Dogra Raj wanted it to perpetuate and continue*⁵.

The ‘Quit Kashmir’ movement started by Kashmiri’s (led by Sheikh Abdullah) against autocratic Dogra raj in 40’s in favor of an Independent Kashmir was also seen as the rebellion against the exploitative ‘Jagirdari’ system.

Pandit Ram Chander Kak (Prime Minister of Kashmir) a scholar and liberal driven by secular ideas, had concluded that Kashmir’s hope and prosperity lay in Independence. Kak was despised by many right winged Pandit’s and the ‘Jagirdaars’ who saw in him as a threat to their autocratic existence. Soon many of them like Kalash Haksar, his son in law Wattal and B.J Nehru plotted against Kak and Pandit R C Kak was dismissed by the Maharaja.

On October 26^th 1947, one of the worst massacres of Jammu & Kashmir too place in Jammu where reportedly more than 250,000 Muslims were killed under a plan of ethnic cleansing by the Hindu Dogra King’s army (The editor of "Statesman" Ian Stephen, in his book "Horned Moon" writes that till the end of autumn 1947, more than 200,000 Muslims were murdered in one go).

Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, who was appointed “Chief Emergency Administrator” on 30^th October 1947 could not prevent the carnage (reference his autobiography ‘Atishe Chinar’ page 312, 331). *⁶

Kashmir policy in Delhi was shaped by Nehru along with his powerful Kashmir Pandit aides like Dwarka Nath Kachru and Kailash Nath Haksar. Democracy in Kashmir was given its big burial when in 1951 Sheikh Abdullah’s N.C was announced to have won 73 of the 75 seats unopposed. The nomination papers of all opponents had been rejected and Nehru (with his Kashmir lobby) was an alibi in this burial. *7

Sheikh Abdullah stayed as the Prime Minister of Kashmir for six years and abolished the ‘Jaagirdari’ or the feudal land ownership. His 'Land to tiller' reforms antagonized the landlords in Kashmir (most of who were Pandits). This grudge along with the silent opposition to Sheikh by ‘Delhi’s Kashmir Lobby’ was to cost Sheikh dearly, 1953 was the start of that.

Across centuries irrespective of who ruled Kashmir; The Afghans, Dogras, Sikhs or local Muslim rulers; it was always the Kashmiri Pandits who manned powerful cabinet, governance and administrative posts. Kashmiri Pandits with their hugely disproportionate employment rates were always comfortably placed and this is also one reason that many powerful (if not all) Pandit’s were seen adverse to the progression and educational advancement or economic emancipation of other communities in Kashmir.

The political manipulations in Kashmir by the New Delhi have since ensured a remote controlled ‘Feudal Democracy’.

Eminent Kashmiri Pandit and Film maker Mr. Sanjay Kak describes the relation of Kashmiri Pandits to Kashmir

‘Studio crusaders’ often claim to represent the Pandit community in totality, which they don’t. They often portray the Kashmir conflict to be a ‘Kashmiri Muslim v/s democracy conflict’ like the ‘Taliban in our courtyard’ which in fact is as an absurd proclamation as can be. Their opposition towards the resolution of Kashmir stems in their fear of letting Kashmir’s politically deprived majority be equal stakeholders in the political future of Kashmir; and this fear is not limited to ‘plebiscite’ but even to any democratic settlement within the confines of the Indian framework. They promote continuation of inhuman acts like AFSPA in Kashmir, not because of some ignorance but in full realization of what this antiquated act has been doing to human rights here. Though they are totally against any autonomy for Kashmir even within the Indian domain they forcefully promote creation of a ‘autonomous’ state within a state, ‘Panun Kashmir’ which shall compromise of the most fertile areas of the valley. In effect the ‘Panun Kashmir’ theory is their way of returning to the ‘Feudal control’ in Kashmir.

According to a recent survey conducted by MHA in Kashmir, a substantial majority, 67% of the Kashmir youth believed that Kashmiri Pandit’s should return to the Valley. However the exodus of Kashmiri Pandit’s to India and other countries has brought such a huge transformation in the demographic and economic status of the community that most of them may find no avenues good enough to return to Kashmir, except for in holidays. And even those who may have wanted to return, these ‘studio crusaders’ ensure are caught in a ‘fear dilemma’.

Such is the hate of these extremists that they even celebrate the deaths of innocents in Kashmir. Not long back in 2010 when kids of Kashmir were being mercilessly killed and maimed; protests were being held against these killings in many places. In New Delhi, at Jantar Mantar one such protest was held on 7^th August 2010. Protestors from all walks of life, from various ethnicities (not just Kashmiri’s) were calling for an end to the killing of innocent kids. And it was here again that these extremists tried to force disruptions of the protests that were demanding an end to bloodshed in Kashmir.

“When a handful of familiar faces from ‘Roots in Kashmir’ (an organization which claims to represent the KP’s) appeared to protest against the protest – as they do in almost every Kashmir related event ……” (Page 69, Until My Freedom Has Come).

The migration of Kashmiri Pandit’s was led were many tragic instances and a fear psychosis. Both the communities suffered in this conflict immensely and no condemnation is enough for that. Neither can we quantifying agony here, nor do we have any right to indulge in comparisons of ‘their pain’ v/s ‘our pain’ as many studio rant’ers do. Sufferings cannot be compared by mere numbers*⁸ a single murder is a murder too many, singe agony is a pain too many.

These ‘studio extremists’ have always trumpeted the Kashmir issue as a ‘religious conflict’ but will fail to tell you, why almost all of the Sikh and Christian families and about 30,000 Kashmiri Pandit’s (19,865 by 1998) chose to stay in Kashmir even during the peak of conflict. *⁹

Any democratic and peaceful settlement of Kashmir will rob these ‘studio crusaders’ of their ‘self assumed leadership seat’; most in Kashmir see them as fighting a covert war against the politically deprived majority in Kashmir and for continuity of this ‘remote controlled Feudal democracy’. Any fair democratic process in Kashmir shall definitely ruin their ‘studio careers’; any return of the migrated communities to be a part of this inclusive process will end their deceitful and hate propaganda.

Ultimately the truth of Kashmir will have to triumph; Kashmir will surely outlive this hate, divide and oppression.

Saadut

16^th Feb, 2012

Legend

*¹ Any voice or work that tries to portray the truth about Kashmir is efficiently gagged. ‘Insha’Allah Football’ by Ashvin Kumar had problems with Censor board. Asvin Kumar was forced to release his next work ‘Insha’Allah Kashmir’ online. ‘Harud’ by Aamir Bashir was denied certification; the screening of ‘Jashne Azadi’ by Sanjay Kak at Symbiosis Pune was disrupted and aborted by ABVP and RIK (Roots in Kashmir). Many political discussions that involved Kashmir separatist leaders (including Kashmir’s religious figure Mirwaiz) in Indian cities have been disrupted by ‘Panun Kashmir’ or’ Roots in Kashmir’ and in many cases these leaders were physically attacked by their goons.

*² During the Afghan Durrani rule of Kashmir, it is said about an Afghan governor Kakkar Khan that when he was to take over Kashmir and reached Baramulla, a funeral was passing by. Kakkar khan asked the funeral to stop; the local Kashmiri’s thought that the governor was going to offer funeral prayers (jinazah) to the dead. Instead Kakkar Khan ordered the coffin to be opened and bent down to bite the ear of the corpse, crying “Tell the dead in the hereafter world that Kakkar Khan has arrived in Kashmir”.

*³Maharaja Ranjit Singh according to Emily Eden, as quoted by Khushwant Singh was "exactly like a mouse with grave whiskers and one eye", apart from having 22 married wives, also maintained a large "harem" of concubines.

*⁴ Baron Schonberg, who traveled to Kashmir during Dogra rule, observed “I have been in many lands but nowhere the conditions of human beings present a more saddening spectacle than in Kashmir. It vividly recalled the history of Israelites under the Egyptian rule, when they were flogged at their daily labour by their pitiless task masters.”

G.T Vigne (in ‘Travels in Kashmir, Ladakh, Iskrado ….’page 241 Vol 1, London 1842) writes “He (Gulab Singh) then ordered one or two of the (human) skins to be stuffed with straw; the hands were stiffened, and tied in an attitude of supplication; the corpse was then placed erect; and the head , which had been severed from the body, was reversed as it rested on the neck. The figure was planted by the way side that passersby might see it, and Gulab Singh called his son’s attention to it, and told him to take a lesson in the art of governing”

*5The ethnic composition of the state of Kashmir & Jammu before 47; Jammu State Hindu majority (Jammu province had large number of Muslim and no Hindu majority), Leh, Ladakh (conquered by dogras in 1846) had Buddhist majority of Tibetan ethnicity, Baltistan (which included Kargil & Drass) had overwhelming Muslim majority, Valley of Kashmir was overwhelmingly Muslim majority, Gilgit was almost totally Muslim and Poonch was also Muslim majority.

*⁶ A greater number of Muslims were driven out of Jammu into exile. The Daily Telegraph of London reported on 12 January 1948: ‘Yet another element in the situation is provided by rioters who seized Muslim lands in Jammu… they originated the massacres there last October to clear for themselves new territory’.

*⁷ However tall a leader Sheikh might have been, an absolute no opposition to all nominations to the constituent assembly elections was hardly digestible. The scene of ‘buried democracy’ continued in all subsequent elections. In 1957 Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed ‘won’ 41 of the 43 seats in Kashmir, without a contest. CM Mir Qasim also admitted the rigging of 1962 elections in his memoirs ‘My Life and Times’.

*⁸ Govt figures of 219 Kashmiri Pandit’s since 1989, as per KP organization Kashmir Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS) 399 Pandits were killed. Civil society puts the figure of Kashmiri Muslims killed at 70,000 and about 10,000 disappeared.

*⁹ If this would have been a ‘religious war’ in Kashmir (as these ‘studio crusaders’ would make you believe) surely the Sikh and Christian families would not have found safe refuge in Kashmir. And before you bring in the Chattisinghpora incident, remember Sikh bodies have been demanding a fresh probe into the Chattisinghpora and the Pathribal cases (The Hindu, Jan 31^st 2012).

Cadged at home, Harassed outside

2012-02-16T21:16:00.001+05:30

The avenues of education in Kashmir have always been limited but aspirants many. Prior to the current in Kashmir, very small number of students would venture out for higher education owing to lack of exposure about such opportunities or financial constraints. The world beyond the Banihal tunnel had not opened up for many Kashmiri’s yet. As the conflict set in Kashmir and opportunities further squeezed, many youngsters moved to mainland India to seek education and avenues. In many cases parents sent their children off to India not only to be educated but also to keep them away from the ‘morgue’ of ‘Kashmir conflict’ that was starting to devour lives at an alarming pace. A new wave of ‘young migrants’ in search for educational opportunities started to flow out of Kashmir, sometimes demeaned and heckled in mainland India because of their Kashmiri origins. The negative portrayal of ‘Kashmir conflict’ by media in India and the growing right winged leanings in India meant that Kashmiri’s were soon relegated to ‘extremist’, labeled as ‘punching bags’. It was now difficult for Kashmiri’s to rent places, seek avenues, be treated as fellow humans and strive for equal opportunities in India. The rhetoric of ‘Atoot Ang’ was understood by Kashmiri’s to be aimed at the land of Kashmir only, not inclusive of people of Kashmir. There was a failure by the Indian society to assimilate the Kashmiri Muslims within their country’s diversity; a chance for them to be integrated into a thought process had been wasted. This failure of the Indian society to offer space and understanding to Kashmiri’s was seen to further add to their alienation from India.

Soon Kashmiri’s venturing out learnt to move with the flow of India, in spite of open prejudices and apathy towards them. Often an odd incident of hate and violence against a Kashmiri in India would remind them of their fragile relationship with Indian mainland, of the contemptuousness and the hostility that was lurking around. Even after more than two decades of conflict in Kashmir, this hostility and malignity continues, mostly brought to the fore by continued incidents against common Kashmiri’s, both by arms of state and by right winged mindsets.

On 21^st Jan 2012, a Kashmiri student Shabir Ahmed from north Kashmir town of Sopore, was shot at by two unidentified assailants in Ujjain. Shabir Ahmed pursuing studies at Vikram Vishwavidyalaya, Ujjain was critically injured in this attack. As per reports Shabir was waiting for a bus when two motorbike borne youths attacked him; luckily he survived in the hospital where the bullet was detected in his neck.

Just a day after this shooting incident in Ujjain, two students from Rajouri reported narrowly escaping another attempted attack on them by unidentified motorcycle borne youths. The two Kashmiri students, Waqar Ahmad Malik and Tasavar Hussain were also pursuing MPhil (Political Science) in the same Vikram University Vishwavidyalaya, Ujjain.

Many Kashmiri students studying in other states of India and especially in BJP ruled Madhya Pradesh confirm that there have been several other incidents of harassment in the past as well, which were ignored by them. However there have been many other major incidents which have added to the fear psychosis and uncertainty of these students.

Sporting a beard became problematic for a Kashmiri student in Bhopal’s Barkatullah University, where Khursheed Ahmed Wani, pursuing MSc was allegedly harassed in the university hostel for his beard. The tragedy did not end there; Khursheed was later reported as a ‘terrorist robber’ after he had gone to the bank for cancelling his ‘hostel fees’ demand draft. As a follow-up to the bank guard’s ‘terrorist’ alert, he was subsequently interrogated for hours at the BagSevania Police Station.

In many places especially in Madhya Pradesh, it has become a routine for Kashmiri students to face harassment prior to 26^th January or 15^th August events. Most of these students allege that local cops harass them without any reason.

In December last year, a Kashmiri student Qaiser Ahmed Dar who had gone to Madhya Pradesh for an entrance test at Sagar University was picked up by the MP ATS in Sagar. Initially the MP ATS had denied that they had him, but was released by them after nine days of torment and only when the IGP Kashmir had intervened.

Nasir Ahmad Bhat, MA (Psychology) student at Baraktullah University was dragged out of his rented accommodation by plain clothed cops on the evening of 18^th July 2009. He was allegedly kept naked in lockup for the whole night and only fed after three days of his arrest. His detention lasted for 12 torturous days, until his family managed to free him from the police station. While leaving the police lockup after being freed, Nasir Ahmed asked the SHO about the crime for his detention; “You are a Kashmiri” the SHO replied.

In other Indian states also Kashmiri students have been known to face similar violations and harassment. On 6^th February 2012, a Kashmiri student was allegedly beaten by Haryana police and kept in illegal detention after he had gone to the police station to lodge a complaint about the theft of his mobile phone in hostel. "You all Kashmiri's are Pakistanis, having terrorist mind set. You only come here to create mess. If you have to live in India then you should do only what the Indians do,” the students quoted Haryana police officials as saying. (KT 07^th Feb 2012).

Lives of the innocent have been destroyed by prejudice and criminal approach towards Kashmiri’s by state arms. Imran Kirmani who had completed aeronautical engineering from Jaipur and a course at Amritsar Flying Club was working with Star Aviation Academy when he was picked up by Delhi Police from his flat in November 2006. He was labeled as “Lashkar-e-Toiba module” that was “planning a 9/11-type strike in Delhi” and paraded before TV cameras on 21^st November 2006. Delhi Police claimed to have recovered “around 1.5 kilogram of RDX, two automatic timers and 4.5 lakh rupees hawala money” from Imran Kirmani. After spending four years, five months and 21 days behind bars the case of Delhi Police fell flat and Imran Kirmani was acquitted by the Additional Sessions Judge. 5 years in custody and a ‘terror’ label on him had destroyed his life. Drained emotionally, financially, he has been left with no carrier, no future. Delhi Police wanted a scapegoat and Kashmiri’s proved easy prey for them.

It is not only the lesser known commoners who have been at the receiving end in mainland India. One of the most famous singers from Kashmir, Ghulam Nabi Sheikh (also known as Mehdi Hassan of Kashmir) was killed mysteriously during the night of 13–14 July, 2003. It is widely believed that the singer was killed by Punjab police and then hurriedly cremated in order to destroy all evidence. On the fateful night Sheikh was traveling in the ‘Delhi – Jammu’ Shalimar Express along with his daughter and friend. He was found missing in the middle of the night and after a hectic search it was known that Mukerian Police had found a body with a badly severed face, which had already been cremated hurriedly. The body was identified by a photograph of the late singer. Although in 2007, the Punjab and Chandigarh High Court handed over Sheikh's case to the CBI, the case has not been solved nor the killers punished.

The reason for such hostility and hatred are multifold, one of them being the negative image portrayed by the media of Kashmiri’s. Media has often resorted to ‘jingoism’, overlapping and projecting the ‘Kashmir conflict’ in dark, the common Kashmiri often beamed at the demon in dark shades. More often the ‘common Kashmiri’ is portrayed as ‘terrorist in a skullcap’, his political grievances misrepresented as ‘extremism’. In fact some journalists in India have been known to specialize in the ‘paanch thaana’ Kashmir slander, often weaving contemptuous theories. The rise of right winged extremism has always been at the cost of minorities in India and Kashmiri’s here become the perfect targets. The Indian state has its share of blame for helping create such an ‘easy punching bag’ image of Kashmiri's by denying justice in cases of hate crimes against them in India. There would be hardly a single case where the state may have been successful in punishing those accused of attacks on common Kashmiri’s. A deterrent was never established, and often a limited few of such cases become news for local newspapers, to be conveniently forgotten the next day.

Tormented at home and harassed outside it, the common Kashmiri seems to have no escape. As long as Pathribal, Machil, Brakpora, SK Colony keep happening in Kashmir and Ghulam Nabi Sheikh, Imran Kirmani keep happening in India, Kashmiri’s will continue to be pushed towards the extreme end. The rhetoric of ‘atoot ang’ will remain crippled to a ‘real estate claim’, till Kashmiri’s are not considered human enough, one among equals.

Such prejudice towards Kashmiri’s, often by the tactic support of state, has only created unbridgeable distances, a remoteness beyond reach.

Saadut

15^th Feb, 2012

Winter Opportunities : Frozen By State Apathy

2012-02-02T20:46:00.002+05:30

It took just a sneeze of nature to scare away tourists from Kashmir and to shutdown basic life support systems in the valley. Not so long ago (in June 2011) the Minister of Tourism of J&K had claimed “In the last four years, this time around it is the best tourism season in Kashmir”. Was tourism in Kashmir envisaged to be only a spring – summer event? What happened to the ‘winter wonders’ of this tourist paradise? A government that every year flees to warmer plains much before the onset of winter, following the monarchial ‘Durbar Move’, could hardly have been expected to plan and execute for the continuity of civic amenities during the harsh winter of Kashmir. By the onset of December there were reports of Kashmir hotels being almost booked for the winter season, but the first three inches of snowfall in January buried all hopes of a good tourist winter in Kashmir.

As the valley plunged into darkness, electricity supplies snapped and communication severely disrupted, tourists suddenly found themselves trapped in medieval times. The road connectivity to Kashmir that habitually goes into an inaccessible mode, took to slumber and essential supplies started vanishing from the valley. And this ‘dead act’ of the national highway to Kashmir continued for more than a week, severely affecting normal life in Kashmir. A government that had earlier claimed to have enough stocks of essentials for impending winters was exposed with no trace of essentials on the ground. As with the locals, so with the tourists, mere survival had become a situation now.

Up in the winter resort of Gulmarg where hotels had backup electrical supplies, water systems and approaches gave away. At -15 to -16 Deg as water supplies froze in many places and communication systems were down, many tourists were forced to cancel their bookings. Instead of generating an increase in the number of tourist arrivals post the snowfall, tourist bookings were reportedly down 15 – 20 % due to breakdown of civic services and accessibility. Notwithstanding the fact that Gulmarg was named among the top 10 ski-resorts in the Asia recently, the government had failed to plan and built on this natural asset, a tourism opportunity had been already squandered. Gulmarg has been on the Ski circuit for so long that skiing as a sport was introduced in Gulmarg almost at the same time as it was started in Alps (ski competitions then were held at Khilanmarg). It was in 1927 that two British Officers, Major Metcarp and Major Headow who established the Ski Club of India at Gulmarg. Post India’s Independence while the ski resorts of the Alps grew multifold, Gulmarg could not match in terms of development, infrastructure or utilized potential. Except for the unplanned and haphazard mushrooming jungles of concrete (most of which came via political affiliations and patronage) not much planned infrastructure came up at this resort. The only silver lining in Gulmarg being the Gulmarg Gondola, one of the highest ropeways in Asia covering an approximate aerial distance of 5 kms.

After the issue of illegal construction in Gulmarg had been highlighted by the media, the state government in 2010 promised to ‘probe the issue of illegal constructions thoroughly’. The Gulmarg Development Authority (GDA) Chief Executive went on record “We will demolish the illegal structures, if any. There is no question of saving anyone, howsoever influential he is. We will certainly bring the violators to book,” (08^th November 2010). Till date these statements have been awaiting much action on ground. Earlier in 2009 a legislator in the state legislative assembly also raised the issue of Army holding 1360 kanals of land illegally in Gulmarg. In response the leader of house and cabinet minister R.S Chib had accepted “1360 kanals of land is under the unauthorized occupation of army at Gulmarg and on some portion of it army has raised some constructions which are not in conformity with the master plan of Gulmarg Development Authority” (GK 09^th Nov 2010). Follow-up action for recovery of occupied land and action against such illegal structures is sadly still not visible. How long will nature sustain when pristine forests and green meadows fall to encroachment, overlapping concrete and greed with the government acting as a mute spectator?

The lack of tourism sector planning and economic foresight in Kashmir has ensured that for decades Gulmarg has been the only primary winter sports destination promoted out of Kashmir, other places like Yusmarg, Sonamarg, Dodhpathri and the Lidder valley at Pahalgam, which have equal winter sports potential have been left undeveloped and unexplored. Kashmir is considered one the most lost cost winter sports destinations, with word class slopes and this reason would have been enough for tourists to flock to these places in droves, but the failing infrastructure and lack of administrative planning ensures otherwise. In terms of distances from the nearest airport (Srinagar airport is claimed to be an International airport) these winter sport resorts in Kashmir would be easily drive-able from the main city, but for want of better approach roads. With places like Gulmarg and Dodhpathri a mere one hour drive, Pahalgam and Sonamarg are a two hour drive from Srinagar airport, it would have been easy for tourists to drive to these places from the main city. This would minimize the clutter of concrete in these places and retain virgin slopes for world class winter sports facilities. But in contrasting reality not only have these places, with the exception of Gulmarg, been left undeveloped for winter sports by the government, but approaches to these places are enduring at best in summers and virtually nonexistent in winters.

An earlier survey conducted by the state government had identified at least 6 new sites in the Pir Panchal range for winter sports, but no development activity has been since undertaken in these areas. Even if any plan was put in place for execution, it would take more than a decade for development of these areas under ‘normal work pace’ conditions; and government implementations are never known to be subservient to ‘normal work pace’ in this state. Although adventure sports like Heli Sking (introduced by Sylvain Sudan in late 70’s in Kashmir) has started to make a comeback in Kashmir lately but such sport is still at the high end of the tourist bracket. The arrival numbers generated in the high-end segment being low, business opportunities are not spread evenly at these places. In addition to the high end sports, a major thrust is required to rope in the entry and middle level tourists to these winter spots so that business and opportunity consistency is maintained.

Since most of the economic activity related to tourism is service oriented, there is a huge potential for employment generations and local sustenance avenues. But all tourism related activities demand infrastructure and consistency in availability of support services. With citizen facilities failing majorly in the valley during winters and support services even failing in ‘winter tourism touted’ places like Gulmarg, expecting the state to plan and implement plans for other winter tourism resorts in Kashmir is a farfetched dream. Unfortunately tourism activities and capacity development in Kashmir have followed the ‘sheep herd’ mentality where concrete growth invades nature and the fine balance between is often tilted towards the wrong side. Pahalgam, like Gulmarg is one more example which has grown in hotel concrete capacities, invading forest land and meadows without much service support infrastructure. And here too the political – official nexus has been actively involved in land grab and illegal constructions. All this in the name of development.

Rather than restricting its availability to Kashmir in the pleasant summer months of ‘durbar move’ the government should ensure sustained attention to the valley is available in the winter too, when employment avenues have shrunk to minimal and local economic turnover is dismal. It is in these lean months that planners need to devise and implement business continuity plans along with adequate service delivery mechanisms. What Kashmir needs is planned and sustained infrastructure development with post implementation self sustenance model in place. Not only do these tourist places have immense potential for revenue and opportunity generation, but they could also be used to nurture local sports and entrepreneur skills. A balanced approach needs to be adopted where each location is developed keeping in mind its carrying capacity, ensuring natural resources in these locations are not vandalized by human greed and lack of planning foresight. Such an approach will surely generate equal development and sustenance opportunities across Kashmir.

Neither did this snow come unanticipated, nor was it the first time that Kashmir winters had a snow fall; but it was the failure of the state that turned this winter bounty, the snow blessings in to a winter curse for Kashmir. Till the government gets serious into planning and executing infrastructure development and support services systems in Kashmir, winter tourism and local economic opportunities will continue to be frozen by state apathy.

Saadut

1st February, 2012

The Excuse of ‘Freedom of Speech’

2012-01-24T17:14:00.002+05:30

Freedom of speech is perhaps one of the most abused freedoms that people have. Often taken as a right by many people to express without responsible self control or caring about social implications, freedom of expression is more often than not misused. Freedom of speech is guaranteed by the Constitution of India at 19 (1) (a) as “to freedom of speech and expression” extended with a rider at 19 (2) “Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect…….. public order, decency or morality….. defamation or incitement to an offence”,

The only problem with freedom is the tendency of people to abuse it audaciously. When expressions either in letter or words become detrimental to the society and are likely to cause disruptions or social frictions, people have to be reigned in. Collective good of the society is far important than the right of misuse of freedom of expression.

If freedom of expression was a limitless right then vandals disrupting or likely disrupt public property and peace should have been viewed as expressing under their inalienable right of ‘freedom of expression’, because they were only expressing their anger or a desire to vandalize, steal and cause public disorder. Freedom of speech comes with a heavy responsibility. But how many of the proponents of freedom of speech actually keep in mind and discharge that responsibility?

Against every right conferred upon an individual, weighs a responsibility to be exercised by him. Sadly people, who often sermonize about their right of free speech, circumvent of their responsibilities and social self restraint. Free speech is in reality a right to speak as you want and when you want as long as it does not cause harm to others or result in social discontentment and disorder. Blasphemy is often the extreme end of ‘freedom of expression’ with the likely potential of inflaming religious emotions and increasing the polarization between social and religious communities.

Salman Rushdie’s ‘Satanic Verses’ has never been acknowledged as his best book by literary critics, but it gave him more fame than any other of his writings, only because of his open blasphemy against Islam. In spite of what many self tagged ‘liberals’ may claim, the ‘Satanic Verses’ was an intentional attempt at blasphemy and vituperation. Rushdie had not created characters ‘Gabreel, Saladin and (the false prophet in the book) Mahound (his attempt at vilifying the Prophet SAW)’ out of ignorance but with clear intent, nor was the plot of the book a mere coincidence. All this blasphemous slander and smear was pitifully well thought of. The aftermath of this work gave him more fame in the west (exactly what he was vying for) and took many innocent lives of protestors in other parts of the world (12 protestors killed in Bombay on 24^th Feb 1989 when police fired on protestors).

More than two decades later the Jaipur Literary Festival again resurrected the ‘Satanic Verses’ in word and spirit. Rushdie was invited as a speaker which was met with some protesting voices within India. While political parties wanted to make hay in this melee, many Muslims genuinely felt hurt by this news. A Rajasthan police blooper or Rushdie’s own reservations ensured that the writer did not come to India, but Rushdie was nonetheless read at the event. And it was only the ‘Satanic Verses’ of Rushdie’s works that were read by many writers at the event. Rushdie has written other books which stand much acclaimed, then why were only the controversial ‘Satanic Verses’ read at the venue? Surely even by the own admission of these ‘freedom of expression’ firing ‘liberals’ the ‘Satanic Verses’ was not even among the moderate works of Rushdie, leave alone being his best, so why did the ‘thrash’ of the pick make it to the venue reading? Was this reading inspired by the value of this work or by a confrontationist desire to walk over the emotions of the minority community, to make a show of ‘Literary and Intellectual aggression’ against an inflated Islamophobic sentiment? If they really wanted to bring in the literary works of Rushdie, they would have chosen his best works not his hate spitting attempt in paper. The brave act of reading the ‘Satanic Verses’ was ironically followed by a braver act of fleeing the venue by the ‘free speech’ protagonists.

Many ‘Lie-berals’ on social networks and on media jumped on to the ‘Rushdie’sque’ promotion bandwagon, most of whom had either not read the ‘Satanic Verses’, ‘The Quran’, or the both. In their badly sought self promotion and PR opportunity they often claimed to represent everybody in the debate, yet speaking up for only confusion. Everybody suddenly wanted to become a ‘Rushdie star’; many even would not have an iota of knowledge of the level of blasphemy that had occurred and the consequential repercussions that had followed for many societies worldwide. Modern modes of communication may have given us faster and cheaper mediums, but it also has given people more easy opportunities to readily abuse our ‘freedom of speech and expression’, vile that has become more deadly with the technological empowerment.

If ‘freedom of speech’ was a limitless right, would the same champions of free expression dare to speak against the Armenian massacre in France or speak against the Jewish Holocaust elsewhere? Or was the ‘freedom of speech’ right to be used by these ‘Lie-berals’ in exclusivity against a particular religion only. Incidentally in the recent past when the state barred Human rights activist Gautam Navlakha from the Srinagar airport and send him back by the next available flight, or when US radio journalist David Barsamian was denied entry to India, it was an open infringement on their right to travel and free speech yet none of these ‘liberal’ champions raised a concern against this act. No ‘Intellectual’ protects, no scripted fiery TV debates were held for such ‘freedom of expression’ and ‘freedom of travel’ denial. Surely ‘free speech’ by the ‘Rushdie’esque’ champions was considered as a right of the privileged few.

We have not forgotten when Mumbai University banned ‘Such A Long Journe’y (1991) by Rohinton Mistry, after Aditya Thackeray, grandson of Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray had raised objections about it. And none of these ‘Lie-berals’ could muster courage to defend the ‘freedom of speech’ here. Why? Was it the fear of Shiv Sena or the absence of an Islam bashing opportunity for these Lie-berals? D.N Jha (eminent Indian historian and member of the Indian Council of Historical Research) received death threats over his book “Myth of the Holy Cow”, where he proved that beef, which is taboo for Hindus, was once a part of the ancient Indian diet and has not always been held sacred. He also dispelled the popular allegations that “Muslims introduced beef-eating to the Indian subcontinent”. A court in Hyderabad banned the book and not surprisingly the Saffron parties demanded his arrest. But no ‘Lie-berals’ were seen in TV studios blowing their ‘freedom of speech’ trumpet and no rights activists saw this as an ‘act savior’ opportunity. Why? Did these personalities have no ‘Rushdie’esque’ star value and hence not worth defending? I will not point out to the fact that Dr Zakir Naik was denied entry to Canada and UK, a clear violation of free speech. He was probably indefensible because he belonged to a particular faith in India, hence Indian media had no use pretending to defend him; no TRP’s for such a defense.

As I write this blog, there is news that a video link with Rushdie is going to take place. No problems in that as long as the decent limitations of freedom of expression are adhered to. But if the discussion again is going to revolve around ‘Satanic Verses’ we shall see it nothing but as a ‘Satanic Intent’ to incite religious passion with utter disregard for mutual respect , tolerance and a clear disdain against the rights of communities to exist and believe respectfully.

Islam has a rich history of dissent and discussion. Question it as you may, criticize it but please don’t use this right for desecration and profanity. Blasphemy hurts badly, don’t use the ‘freedom of speech’ excuse to indulge in such debasement.

Saadut

24th January, 2012

Koshur ‘mini reactor’

2012-01-13T21:33:00.004+05:30

In the reclusive freezing cold and the inflicted dark of Kashmir winters, when every service fails to the whims of the state, it is this age old “kaang’er” that continues to warm commoners; portable, independent and cost effective. Autonomously ‘azad’ and ‘as of yet’ free from iron ambit or ‘service denial ring’ of the state, the individuality of this firepot stays close to winter commoners of these lands; their only amber warm hope.

The skill for carrying this ‘mini reactor’ for Kashmiri’s comes naturally. However during the induction training on handling this ‘mini reactor’ many a shalwaars will have their edges burnt and many a pyjama strings will have been smoked and shrunk. The smell of burning cloth underneath the Pheran or blanket and that expression on the face of the victim bring out those comically capricious expressions. The smoke and burn often followed by a self apologetic red faced victim and the facetiousness stealing onlookers.

Basic users are comfortable with having it under their pherans, shawls or blankets for brief intervals, intermediate users carry it along with ease often in one hand while at the same time juggling work and shopping. Advanced users having gained full control on the ‘mini reactor’ also carrying it along to bed, holding it all night in sleep without tripping; an act of absolute winter companionship.

Like with other fuel reactors, this mini device is also prone to accidents most common being it’s tripping, first causalities becoming the flooring rugs of the Kashmiri households. Irregular brown, black holes and obnoxious smoke smell on rugs and carpets would point to the frequency of such fire tripping disasters, the domestic mini Fukushima’s.

The “kaan’ger” being very closely knit into the culture of Kashmir, it is obligatory for the new bride to receive a special variety of this ‘firepot’ as a gift from her parents; the “tchaar’e kaang’er” takes its name from “tchaa’r” in central Kashmir where they are specially made. The “tchaar’e kaang’er” comes fully decorated and colored, a stark contrast to its plain, roughened non bridal ‘firepot’ cousins. Other common varieties used in Kashmir are also known by the places where there are made in, like the “Islamba’ed kaang’er”, the “Shopiya’enn kaang’er” and the “Bandei’poer kaang’er”.

Drying the morning towels, warming to change clothes and getting the butter pot to preheat are just some other multitude of tasks assigned to this small device. Much before computers knew what multitasking was, this Kashmiri device had already been practicing it. I remember as a child whenever I used to visit one of my aunts who lives in the Kashmir countryside, their domestic help would offer me an in “kaange’er” baked egg. The timing and accuracy exhibited for this process inside the firepot often amazed me then. Here was one of the most basic, portable and wireless ovens I had ever seen in my life, this was energy efficiency at its best.

Then there are some ‘warriors’ of Kashmir who take the ‘firepot to human’ companionship a little further, this device also used a weapon in Kashmir. Since such ‘warriors’ do not adhere to any ‘no first use pact’ they may use this weapon either for self defense or for the first attack. The successful firing of this weapon often depends on the trajectory of the ‘firepot missile’ launcher and his earlier expertise in such war exercises. The consequences for the aimed target in any successful attack may range from coal black, ash grey to reddish, depending upon the coal to fire ratio inside the ‘firepot missile’.

Like the handyman of a politician, every “kaang’er” has its “tchaalan” often used to stir the coal and adjust the fire. And as does the handyman of a politician hang around him, so does the “tchaalan” usually hang around the “kaang’er”, in most cases tied to wicker ring on it. Not surprisingly just like the ‘politician – handyman’ nexus, in many cases the “kaang’er” may or may not want to be seen with the “tchaalan”, denying it the right to stick around publicly, but inevitably will use it to stir or adjust the fire.

Such an intimate relationship between the “kaang’er” and Kashmir would be incomplete without some incorporation into the Kashmiri proverb and curse lexicon. The state here fully practices the “Ratt’hh mye’n Kaang’er vyechh mye’n davv” (Hold my Kaang’er and watch me flee) *proverb*, more especially in winters when it flees to warmer plains leaving the commoners to their own frosted fate. Winter evenings in Kashmir are often times when the state exerts its will on darkness, blinding out electricity from habitations. The cold seeping in, darkness enveloping and left God forsaken then Kashmiri’s are heard saying “Pey’ye naar’e kaang’er yeman pa'warr valyan'n”

Saadut

January 12^th 2012

One Thursday

2011-12-31T20:26:00.005+05:30

The presence of military fatigues was overwhelming across the city and a return to home for those Kashmiri’s who left for the daily grind was guaranteed no more. Mehraj , a tall man of fair complexion and a longish face worked as a carpenter at a construction site on eastern shores of the Dal Lake, near Nishat. Would start early to commute to work from his residence in Downtown Srinagar, transverse via the interiors of the lake to avoid the main roads where many days back one of his friends had been picked up by forces and was yet to return home.

The spring sun had risen early on this Thursday, life returns early to the lake after the freeze of the winter chill has faded past. He had been working on this construction site for the past two months after being out of work for pretty long. Thursdays in Kashmir are the weekly wages disbursement time for the basic worker class, and Mehraj had not availed his weekly wages for the past three weeks, hoping to save and take home enough to pay for some of the debt accumulated during his no-work periods, and some to pay for his daughters school ‘new term’ fees. From a family of skilled craftsmen, who had specialized in making those beautiful ‘kahatmband’ ceilings, Mehraj would now take any odd carpentry job as a human survival necessity. During the lean periods when work was scarce and the number of feeding stomach many, necessity had become a luxury.

This was one of those few days that Mehraj had reveled in the beauty of the early morning lake, been enchanted by the different hues of azure, green or blue that the sunlight had majestically created in these waters. When the heart is happy, the world seems beautiful.

At work the day seemed to be winding into endlessness, on the rooftop of the construction site where Mehraj was working, even the spring sun seemed to burn like the summer furnace. Today he wanted the day to end fast, for the evening to close in briskly, for this Thursday to lighten his debt, to open the doors of a school for the little girl back home.

The sun was embracing the western mountains, a golden glow fast receding over the horizon and the work day had come to an end. Mehraj tucked away the ‘three weeks’ of wages in his inner waistcoat, into a pocket that felt close over his skin. Thursdays he used to take along his bag of carpentry tools from the work site to his home, just in case any odd work landed on the Friday weekly holiday. Retracing his steps back home, he was trying to march but his steps seemed unable to match his desired pace. Multitudes of thoughts were running parallel in his mind, about how many of his priorities would be able to squeeze within the waist coat inner pocket that clung close to his skin, about the waiting faces back home, about lost smiles. From the eastern shores of the lake ran the big water pipes, centrally across the breadth of the lake and ended right into the city. On these water pipes by the shores of the lake, men in fatigues were seen in the evening. A posse of gun wielding uniforms had spread across some part of the road, their vehicles lay parked in a cluster closeby. Locals were being stopped and quizzed randomly, and Mehraj was next

“Kya naam hai?” “Jinaab Mehraj”,

“kahan thaa?” “Jinaab kaam pe”,

“Kya karta tha’a wahan” “Jinaab baam lagata thaa makan pe”

It was only after almost 20 days that Mehraj was released and came back home, crushed to pulp, battered, stripped, demolished and bed ridden.

Debt had grown behemothic; the gates of school for the little girl still closed and for many years to come there were no hands for his tools.

Saadut

31^st December 2011

Legend: ‘Baam’ in Kashmiri is a part of the roof

“Khatamband’ is a ceiling of geometrical designs made of wood by master craftsmen from Kashmir

Of Pheran’s & Pheran’s

2011-12-29T20:18:00.003+05:30

A Pheran is just a Pheran you might say, a long robe that has been passed on for generations and over centuries in Kashmir, a garment worn to warm. But every Pheran has some story behind it. As a rule the Pheran goes right over the knees and is loose enough to create your own warm space, Pheran having survived all winters of vogue & trend; but look closely and there is more to than just a garment in this Pheran.

Women’s Pride : The one preferred by Kashmiri Muslim ladies would have their sleeves folded midway through a half opening, edged with embroidery of ‘silver or gold thread’ (the tilla). Such sleeves are called the ‘qourab’e naerr’ (the qouraab’e sleeve). Such a Pheran would also have the embroidery patterns extended to the borders and spread motifs at the neck opening. Kashmiri Pandit women on the contrary would wear a long Pheran (tied at the waist with folded material called lhungi) that would almost go up to their feet, with narrower sleeves, more often of grayish dull colors. I have heard that the non-embroidered length and color of Pandit ladies pheran was linked to the economics and practicality of it, but I leave the reason to open interpretation. I have always marveled at the way my Pandit teacher's mother looked in her attire, so magical, so Romanesque.

Necessity: The workman is characterized by his Pheran usually made of rough and dull wool, very loose and likely to be worn to the end of fabric life, may be even beyond. The rich man’s Pheran on the other end of the social net, prefers a softer fabric often of subtle colors, a garment that gets replaced mostly because of vogue rather than necessity.

I am a class apart: Some novice ‘khojjas’ (neo rich ) who migrated to the newly clustered peripheries of Srinagar seem to have done away with this koshur garment, instead donning a cross between a shawl and a blanket. This garment often imitates the appearance of wool puffed sheep skin. But by doing away with the traditional Pheran, you don’t become a different social class; you are only likely to become a human icicle in harsh Kashmir winters.

Postcard Bright’s: Then there are the all weather Pherans made of ‘terry cots’ in bright colors offered to tourists in the gardens of Srinagar, for those photo clicks. Such flashy Pherans are complimented by fake headgear that is just as real as the current peace in Kashmir.

Political Convenience: The politician has also learnt to wear this Pheran for opportunities. On those occasions of addressing political rallies or in those rare attempts to be seen as one among the ‘commoners’ a ‘political Pheran’ is conveniently worn over his Pierre Cardin’s, Ralph Lauren’s and Polo’s. The occasional ‘political robe’ is as misfit and as loose as his political promises and rhetoric. His only real connection with The 'Pheran' is his 'phiryeth Pheran naael tchunun' actions, which he has adopted as the preamble of his survival rule book.

Like the poor who use the Pheran to hide the defects of their old garments that they may be wearing underneath the robe, the politician also attempts to use this Pheran to hide his political infirmity and frailty, his ambition and malady, but having donned Pheran for centuries Kashmiri’s know how to see through this cloak. This political Pheran is riddled with holes of disconnect and anarchy, but ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ would not have any self realization. It only takes a child to see through his robe.

Our Pherans are a seasonal necessity, his Pheran is power convenience.

Saadut

29/12/2011

Solider and the Graveyard

2011-12-21T12:08:00.003+05:30

Where did the promised Kashmir 'summer' go, the solider freezing in the obnoxious sandbag bunker wonders?

Watching the deserted streets he longs for home, for his family that he carried as passport size photographs in his wallet.

Two summers back he had held his children to a tight embrace, walked them in the plain fields, raced their little steps.

He has caressed his wife, but hid his hands that still had stains of blood, that refused to wash off.

These hands carried scars from the mountains where they had split some young into two; handed the pieces to an old grave digger, put them into pits without names.

It was these scarred hands that trembled when his own son darted for a hug, for the cuddle of his father, for a sought emotion.

Back in the bunker, flares from a dark bukhari glowed in the dark, reminded him of the inglenook and his wife. Had the children had food, he was wondering in the dark?

From the rear edge of the bunker starts the expanse of the graveyard, unmarked stones for epitaphs, more than one cadaver in many markings.

Innocent been sleeping for long here, back home people are unaware, still in wait.

Mother has been waiting for the young of mountains, whose innocence scarred the soldier’s hand; she hopes he will walk back, someday, one day.

She could never hug him when he was home; her hands want to caress him, her hands want to cuddle, to an embrace so tight, never to leave again.

The fire in her kitchen no more burns bright, the flames burn her but warm nothing. She waits for him every night, every supper, every morsel.

In the cold of the night she keeps a window open, anticipating a knock, in wait for a return. With drained hope she looks out to the blank winter sky.

The solider stares in the dark of the night, the graveyard stares at the solider. Winter is really setting in, winter is already here.

When will the spring come?

Saadut
20th Dec 2011

Koshur Social Networks – Once Upon A Time

2011-12-18T21:42:00.001+05:30

Long before Facebook existed, the local social networks of Kashmir ran an extensive web of updates, discussions and social inclusiveness. In Kashmir when most of the basic services and occupations were still ‘Kosher’ you had the local native barber whose joint would be the hub of all political and news discussions. The local ‘navied’ would be a political expert who would rhyme his fingers over haircuts with political discussions, opinions and economic discourse. His expertise would encompass both local and the world beyond the state from whatever latency prone news that seeped in those days of a ‘non public internet’ world.

My earliest childhood recollection was Aziz Joo who was a regular at our house for attending the barber services of my father. Aziz Joo wore a white ‘dastaar’ (turban) which was more roundish than ovalish and perfectly matched with his fair face. His long ‘pheran’ had a loose fit with an almost left of corner opening at the top with no buttons, his ‘pheran’ often meticulously clean and ironed. His ‘arsenal’ would be arranged in a wooden box that had black leather straps, which he carried along always. He would not only carry with him his barber services but also news and happenings from across the dwellings. I later heard he would also be sought in other parts to care blemishes or boils, the local dermatologist kind of, his primary prescription would be the ‘malhaam’ a strong variant of the belladonna patch. A man of medium height with dark eyebrows and wide eyes, his pace would be fast for his feet size, often brisk for those calculated timings of his work and attendance. He carried with him a great sense of wit that rarely came to fore in the presence of Dad, he would be of restricted speak in front of him, but would have quick replies to Dad’s inquests. Dad respected Aziz Joo for the wisdom he carried and the knowledge he exhibited, he understood more of the Kashmir political scene that some of the current dynasty political heirs could ever know. Dad narrated an incident that Aziz Joo had been witness to very early. When Sheikh had been dethroned and Bakshi took over in Kashmir, J&K Armed Police had been deployed in parts of internal Srinagar, who were restricting movements of civilians in the city. Kabir’e an old bachelor used to live with his brothers family (his brother’s wife was named Bakhti). On this particular day Kabir’e had ventured out and was stopped near Khanyar by the Armed Police, the lathis were up and the blows were next to fall in place ‘Kouan hai’ (Who are you) shouted the Armed Police, ‘Main Bakhti ka droui houn’ (I am the brother In-law of Bakhti). The policemen who were from Jammu would not comprehend much of Kashmiri understood ‘Bakhti’ to be ‘Bakshi’ and gave him easy passage.

When I grew up the ‘not so far away’ barber Manzoor was the style haunt for local boys; that is before I had been sent to the boarding school. His own hair style was a peculiar mix of two Hindi film heroes; you could not be sure which two although. But that mix and match was not what he did with the hair styles of boys, his finger created almost that perfect cut you demanded, but not before he had given you an overdose of his recommendations. A slim man of medium height, he would always dress business like, from old bell bottoms to the then in rage parallels, you could not help but marvel his sense of style. Manzoor was well versed with the happenings and ‘puppet mechanizations’’ of the state’s political scene, all the deceit and repertoire and more of it were familiar with him. His shop was the Facebook wall for the local boys, where status updates were posted more frequently, where the RSS feeds would run nonstop for the ‘who and where’ of this small closely knit local society. The newspapers on his shop would change more hands, would get more hits then than a small web page would get in present times. The colour of these newspaper edges would go brownish dark by the evening, by the shuffling of multiple readers who devoured on them. But more than the news that was written on these newspapers were the narratives held on and by this barber shop. It knew the local social trends, was aware of the social pursuits and kept the secrets of many households in these dwellings. It was the virtual local google then. His shop had wide mirrors, stacked with shelves on either side that had genuine ‘Old Spice’ unlike ‘Old Skice’ the fake cousin of this after shave that adorns the UP bhaiyaa run barber shops now in Srinagar. The present barber shops know nothing of our societies, so disconnected from this land they are that they don’t even know how to pronounce the names of local places, the ‘e in Noet’e (Nowhatta) or the Habb’e Kadal often missed by them. The modern barber shops have been reduced to automated scissors that treat all human specimens as to be sheared sheep, subject to the same geometric compass cut.

During my once in a year holidays from boarding, I would never miss an opportunity to get Manzoor do the hair honors, back there we had be forced to do a ‘no hair must grasp in hand’ student haircut in school. It was in one of these visits that I found out that Manzoor had also become the local database for the torments of conflict in this area. He had infact even kept a copy of an old ‘India Today’ magazine which had announced the arrival of armed rebellion in Kashmir. He kept the virtual ‘pain, migration, survival and death’ count during the conflict. In good old days, I heard, he would also act as the part time match maker, more often as a social service with some economic benefits. But now the match making scene was dismal, with most of the boys either already been lost to conflict or the living boys lost to joblessness and economic deprivation. With conflict migration taking precedence, families migrated from villages to cities and from central city to suburbs, the brokerage business for new and rental property came into vogue, an opportunity he grasped soon. He soon converted into the local ‘Yellow Pages’ indexing most of the migrations and ‘to let’ positions in nearby vicinities. But soon this conflict left deep scars on him too. Mid conflict renegade culture came to fore in Kashmir, where a shielded and cloaked armed to teeth force was unleashed upon the local habitations. Manzoor had been identified as a potential prey and from demands of ransom to frequent threats, he soon withdrew into reclusiveness. Ransoms had been paid, but the nocturnal knocks had not ceased. The local social network had soon shut shop.

Now the city has imported workforce, bollywood poster beaming salons filled with the smell of cheap cologne, but you will see no connections to this land, to this society coming from these shops. They have now tagged the local customers by wallet count, names are not remembered, and the old human social networks exist no more.

Saadut

18^th Dec 2011

Bottled tourism?

2011-12-15T20:47:00.000+05:30

‘Liquor shops should reopen in Kashmir to boost tourism industry in the state’, which is what was advocated by a main stream politician recently in Srinagar. On expected lines within Kashmir soon there were voices against this statement, but more surprising was the fervor shown by Indian media and people on social networks to grab the bait and customize the issue. Many claimed banning liquor was ‘against secular and democratic credentials’ while others termed it as religious extremism. Journalist @tavleen_singh went even a step further tweeting ‘How sad for Kashmir that it has become the centre of such intolerant Islam. It once was a place where women prayed in mosques.’ Were people like her trying to bake their bread in the controversy or are they really ignorant about the facts in Kashmir? Not only are women in Kashmir still praying in Mosques, have an equal place in Kashmiri society but they are also the most traumatized of all, in decades of conflict having lost husbands, sons and fathers to this turmoil. What was the relationship that these experts were trying to forge between demands for ‘ban on liquor’ and ‘women praying in mosques’ in Kashmir? Incidents of women campaigning for ‘prohibition’ in Punjab or rural Maharashtra have not been linked till date to any ‘conservative religion’ criticism or declaration of ‘democracy in danger’ by these social champions.

Liquor and cinema were never banned in Kashmir. In fact even during the turmoil years, two cinema halls were operational in Kashmir, ‘Neelam’ cinema in the heart of Srinagar and ‘Broadway’ theatre near the cantonment area, but most people avoided these places out of personal choices. In addition to the prevalent sense of insecurity looming large in Kashmir during the turmoil, where days folded up early and evenings were full of lurking danger, people were more concerned about securing their safety at homes rather than daring to venture out. Also these cinemas were seen as likely soft targets for violence. For all the years that it continued to operate in Kashmir, not able to sustain the show biz business model here, ‘Broadway’ theatre shutdown and changed the line of activity. This was purely for commercial reasons, rather than for any ‘nationalistic’ or ‘religious’ containment.

For those who were suggesting that ‘resistance of locals to opening of liquor shops in Kashmir’ had to do something with religious intolerance, such pathetic thought pointed to their mental fatigue. Liquor was never banned in the state and many liquor shops still exist in Srinagar. In mainland India prohibition is in place in Gujarat but we are yet to hear these experts point out to ‘prohibition in Gujarat’ as a result of religious intolerance or seen as a ‘threat to democratic and secular credentials’. The ‘prohibition’ not notwithstanding, fact is that Gujarat recorded 1.8 crore tourists in 2010 which included 3.2 lac foreign tourists. The government of Gujurat understanding the needs of tourism sector planned to spend Rupees 635 crore for developing related infrastructure over the next three years, setting targets of 2 crore tourists this year, including 4 lac foreign visitors. Incidentally the share of tourism revenue in the GDP of Gujarat was only about 1 per cent. In comparison, the tourist arrivals in Kashmir Valley this year had almost surpassed its pre militancy records of seven lac including almost 21,000 foreigners (some estimates put the figure at one million). Clearly J&K does not have a ‘tourism’ investment policy in place; in fact this June the chairperson of FCCI (Federation of Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry), during a tourism conference held in Srinagar urged the state government to come up with an ‘Investment Policy’ in J&K. The local industry has been pleading with the government since long to improve tourist infrastructure and resume many events in Kashmir, like the ‘sound and light show’ of Shalimar gardens, but not much headway has been achieved on this front till date. Of late the tourism sector in Kashmir has started showing significant resurgence, but this revival would fail in its tracks for want of required infrastructure and policy initiatives. Contrast this to the fact that natural spots have been vandalized by unplanned and reckless constructions, arterial approaches that need upgradation and environmental degradation that is playing havoc with these natural resorts. In fact the authorities had turned such a blind eye to illegal constructions and forest grabbing in these hill spots that it took the High Court to impose a ban on constructions in Pahalgam in response to a PIL (Public Interest Litigation).

With crippling infrastructure across the valley you don’t expect tourism to turn around by just wishful thinking. It surely needs more practical work on ground than any political speak. When you think of Kashmir what comes to your mind, lofty peaks, gushing rivers, clear lakes and blooming meadows. How many tourists conjure images of pubs and bars when they think of Kashmir? None I think. Kashmir is all about nature, but what has been left of these bounties of nature? The rivers are polluted downstream, constructions invaded right upto the river banks upstream, meadows collapsing and ever shrinking, the lakes dying a slow human engineered death. The jewels of Srinagar, Dal and Nigeen lakes have succumbed to decades of human invasion and bureaucratic greed. It is these assets of the valley that drew tourists over centuries and it is here where the state has utterly failed. Years of half hearted efforts and billions of rupees for lake conservation could achieve nothing but accelerate the death of these water bodies. With unabated encroachment going on and thousands of tones of sewage dumped directly into the lake, the Dal Lake is reported to have shrunk from 25 sq kms to 10.56 sq km and its depth has decreased by four meters. In the interiors of the lake and more obvious towards Ashai Bagh Bridge, the government has left the lake to its own death with absolutely no conservation or cleaning efforts by the authorities. So much for the rhetoric of drawing tourists to Kashmir. And if Dal & Nigeen were no exceptions to rule, other lakes of Kashmir like the Wular and Manasbal are also staring at extinction. When these attractions are gone, no amount of pubs and bars in Kashmir will be able to draw any tourists. What the tourism industry in Kashmir needs are sustained and honest efforts for conserving nature and rebuilding infrastructure that supports the industry. Approach roads that get choked by a slight increase in traffic, a national highway that blocks with a sudden sneeze of nature and an airport that takes more hours to clear the drop gate than it takes to fly to Delhi are surely not ‘tourism friendly’. Incidentally the double laning of Pahalgam - Khanabal road started earnestly during the Chief Ministerial tenure of PDP’s Mufti Syed has still not been completed, 3 governments having changed since. No wonder traffic to Pahalgam struggles and snarls for miles on holidays. Not to speak of the two laning of Srinagar city, Dalgate – Zakura road (which also takes the traffic of Amarnath yatris on the Sonamarg route) that has been pending for decades in spite of clear plan earmarked for the same. The condition of other tourist places in Kashmir is surely no better.

Some years back I was travelling to Delhi and the then CM of Kashmir Ghulam Nabi Azad happened to travel in the same low cost airline to Delhi (Yes the CM was not using the state aircraft here, in fact was travelling economy class). While he was seated with his wife in the first row, I was seated in the second row. As the plane touched down in Delhi and Mr. Azad prepared to leave the aircraft he turned to some tourists who were seated in the front rows on the other side, greetings were exchanged and the visitors honestly replied ‘Kashmir gaye th’e Dal dekkhne, dekha Dull lake’ (We had gone to Kashmir to see the Dal lake but all we saw was a Dull Lake). Their emphasis on ‘dULL’ conveyed it all. The dullness seems to have since spread to other natural spots of Kashmir too with the government inaction and apathy accelerating their erosion.

Kashmir needs to secure these natural bounties; it is a protected and rejuvenated nature alone with adequate supporting infrastructure that can sustain the local tourism industry.

When the tourists start marking their itinerary by the liquor joints available in Kashmir, it surely will mark the death of destination Kashmir. Then the natural ‘Paradise’ will exist no more.

Saadut

9, November 2011

Conversions: Faith on sale

2011-12-12T20:49:00.000+05:30

Recently there was row over conversions in Kashmir wherein a Christian pastor was accused of converting eight Muslim youth to Christianity by luring them with money. The row came into focus with the circulation of the Kashmir conversion video on internet and soon outrage and resentment was expressed locally prompting a senior religious leader of Kashmir Mufti Mohd Bashir-ud-din to seek an explanation from the accused Pastor C M Khanna of All Saints Church Srinagar. After some time the Pastor met him and according to the Grand Mufti, being confronted with proof the Pastor ‘confessed’ his role in conversions. The Grand Mufti further claimed that the Pastor had confessed having converted 15 boys so far adding that according to the Pastor “some NGO and intellectuals were with him in this mission and some of them had accompanied him to South Africa to preach Christianity”

Soon the local police took suo-motu notice of the issue and filed an FIR in Srinagar’s Rammunshi Bagh police station (FIR No 186 0f 2011 under section 153 A and 295 A) against Pastor Khanna. Local sources say that the conversions had taken place for paltry monetary gains; one of the youth is reported to have converted for a sum of Rs 5000. The poor laborer is reported to have converted in the hope of a financial aid but was shocked after being paid only 5000 Rupees (about 100$). According to local newspaper reports, other converts could have been paid between 5000 to 10,000 Rupees and after the news of conversions broke out, protests were held in some parts of Srinagar. Sensing the gravity of the situation and the likelihood of this conversion snowballing into a major controversy police detained all the eight converts.

Hurriyat leader and a senior religious figure of Kashmir, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq called the issue of luring Muslim youths to conversion as grave "(The conversion of Muslim youth to Christianity) is a grave issue. Being the religious head and Mirwaiz, I am fully aware of my responsibilities” He further announced the formation of a committee to look into the matter.

If a person could convert his religion for 5000 Rupees, what would he do for the sake of 10,000 rupees? The ‘conversions for money’ has bought to fore the neglect of the Kashmiri society of its own morals. There was more condemnation of the social rot that the Kashmiri society has fallen to than there was of the Christian missionaries in Kashmir. Ironically the society has been allowed to slip into a materialistic coma, where all ethics have been antiquated, relegated to museums of past. This degradation of society did surely not happen overnight, it has been in the making for decades together, even much before the onset of insurgency in Kashmir. Although everybody in the society has to share the blame for such affairs of the society, majorly the blame is placed on the political and religious leaders of Kashmir. Most of the religious leaders have been known to use religion as a tool for self prosperity, often ignoring the collective welfare of the society and most of the politicians have been known to invoke religion for selfish political goals only. Not only have corrupt practices taken over the ethical structure of the society, the society has neglected the poor and downtrodden sections thereby leaving them exposed to search for means and ways for survival. While we may be on the forefront in denouncing these poor people for selling their faith, the society on its own has to own the responsibility to having neglected such sections of our society. The turmoil in Kashmir not only affected the economic structure of this place it also created conflict causalities, families of victims who were left to defend for themselves. Such families could either have lost an earning member or the opportunity to a livelihood, and the society hardly bothered about such families. Social care for the affected was minimal as the social safety net for the deprived did not exist in Kashmir and whatever existed of was eroded gradually.

Missionary work in Kashmir was promoted through education and often these institutions have proved to be good academic institutions. How many local institutions have been patronized by the society or local religious leaders to grow into such strong educational institutions? Fact is that the local society has failed in creating or developing institutes of excellence in basic elementary education, making admissions to missionary institutions sought after (only for academic sake). Excellent local academic institutions groomed by locals (Muslims) of yesteryears were neglected by both patrons and government, as a result of which they failed to keep pace with changing times.

Islam in Kashmir was propagated by preachers like Shah-e-Hamadan (came to Kashmir in 1372) who not only preached social equality but also bought along numerous craftsman to teach the locals craftsmanship thereby introducing many skills in the local economy. Some of these skills and artisanship that were handed over through generations stand at the verge of extinction mainly due to social and state neglect, affecting the very basic economic structure of the society.

Moral education, training on trade skills that survived generations and a social safety net for the under privileged were lost to collective apathy, making our weaker sections more vulnerable than ever. Ironically it is the weakest sections of our society that missionaries have been known to approach. And the state also did its bit by failing to promote avenues for the local crafts, accelerating the collapse of the work structure at the artisan levels. Not only did the state fail in implementing business continuity plans for the basic levels of society, they also contributed to the neglect of skill up gradation and education opportunities in Kashmir. Efforts by a Kashmir based religious group ‘Jamiate-Ahl-Hadees’ for creation of Trans-World University in Kashmir have still not borne fruit with the bill for setting up of the university pending with the state government for long. The idea of setting up the Trans World Muslim University was conceived in 1990 and in its present form the University envisages to be a modern learning centre offering courses in science and arts including a School of Designing aimed at helping the local handicraft sector in skill development and design creation. Pertinently in Jammu Mata Vaishnav Devi University is already running successfully under the aegis of Shri Mata Vaisnav Dev Trust. Locals in Kashmir have been accusing the present state government for accelerating the issuance of licenses for liquor shops in Kashmir but ironically withholding the permission for institutions of higher learning for the locals.

The biggest religious trust in Kashmir ‘Muslim Auqaf trust’ has also been accused to being used as a political tool by the parties in power. The ‘Muslim Auqaf Trust’ (now the Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Waqf Board) is not only the custodian of all major Muslim properties in Kashmir but also manages most of the shrines here. The assets of this trust are estimated to exceed 2000 crores with the potential to generate huge revenues, but ironically the major part of its revenue (whatever is generated) is spend on the salary bill of its ever growing number of employees and the remaining part spend on maintenance and renovation of shrines (60 % on salaries and 35 % on maintenance), the social cause that should have the primary aim of any Muslim trust conveniently forgotten. Incidentally ‘Muslim Auqaf Trust’ was setup in the 1930’s with the primary aim of social development and major part of the income from these properties were envisaged to be earmarked for social causes like educational development, helping the destitute and betterment of society. Over the years the Trust worked like a fortress and National Conference gained absolute control over it. Late Shiekh Mohammad Abdullah used ‘Muslim Auqaf Trust’ as a political tool and the Hazratbal Shrine as a political pulpit for decades. Such was the government intertwined into Auqaf that when Shiekh Abdullah was dethroned Bakshi took over, not only the state power but he also inherited the affairs of Auqaf. After Sheikh came back to power, the reigns of ‘Muslim Auqaf Trust’ also were taken back. During all these decades of Political rule in “Auqaf Trust” accountability was unheard of and the “Trust” from “Auqaf” had slipped closer to power seats and farter from the society. The trust is often accused of recruiting more than the sanctioned number of staff, mismanaging properties, incurring excess expenditure and deviating from its basic aim of social service. This is a typical case of exploiting a religious institution for petty political gains. Had the trust been run efficiently and independent of political interference it could have really have ushered in a social renaissance and created support systems within our society.

Many in the state also believe if the concept of ‘zakaat’ was followed in principle by all, the downtrodden of the society could have been easily rescued. On the religious front the selflessness and the devotion to their religion shown by Christian Missionaries is found wanting from the religious leaders here. Most of them are seen to survive on some political patronage and with the exception of a few, many religious trusts have seen to have failed in addressing social concerns.

In a society where the new status symbol is ill-gotten wealth, where corruption has become a way of life, the politician and the preacher both cash in on this social anarchy, resulting is a gradual decline of moral ethics where faith can be sold for 5000 Rupees. The ‘conversion for money’ by these missionaries is deplorable but more condemnable is the self destruction mode that the society as a whole has been thrust towards. The onus for reform lies within the society itself. No amount of religious sermons will help when the claims of compassion for social change unless they are not translated into action.

Till that time the deprived and the denied will be exposed to selling their faith.

Saadut

30^th November 2011

Economic opportunities denied : Kashmir

2011-11-26T22:47:00.000+05:30

The state government recently unveiled a new recruitment policy according to which non-gazetted recruits in J&K will be paid a fixed monthly salary equivalent to 50 per cent of the basic pay for the first two years. For the next three years the new non gazetted employees would be entitled to a fixed salary of 75 per cent of the basic pay. Only after completion of five years in stipendiary mode will the employee be entitled to a prescribed pay band and all other allowances as applicable to government employees, subject to "good performance, conduct and the vigilance clearance".

Even as the policy was announced it faced a lot of criticism on the ground, the stipend of 3000 to 5000 for a government employee was seen as a crude joke for job aspirants. Political parties were also seen raising a pitch against the new job policy. How much is Rs 3000 for a family these days and how much sustenance can you expect for such an amount? Many youth have questioned the government in adopting dual standards for keeping the gazetted posts out of the stipendiary policy. Incidentally the government has already done away with the full pension scheme since January, 2010.

On Saturday 5^th November 2011, Jammu and Kashmir High Court Saturday stayed the government order, observing that the new recruitment policy “exploits the human talent”, and asked the state to file objections within three weeks. The court was hearing a writ petition against the new job policy of the state.

Incidentally an earlier policy of recruiting employees under the ‘Rehbar’ scheme stands already implemented where government teachers were appointed as ‘Rehbar-e-Taleem’ for a paltry 1500 per month for 2 years and after 2 years for 2000 for the next 3 years. A similar scheme also stands implemented in the Agriculture department as ‘Rehbar-e-Ziraat’. Irony is that the five years of service of these ‘Rehbars’ may not be counted as part of their service period at all.

Accumulating Unemployment

According to a survey conducted by the Chatham House (UK) sometime back, 96 per cent of respondents from the Kashmir Valley identified unemployment as one of the main problems facing the state, along with conflict and mounting corruption. Add to this the 2008 survey conducted by Transparency International where Jammu & Kashmir was put in the “alarmingly corrupt” category. A report by US based NGO notices that “Jobs are few, and those that are available are often filled through elite connections and nepotism measures”. As of December 2010 the number of officially registered unemployed youth touched almost 6,00,000 (The Jammu and Kashmir government official figures of December 2010 were 5,97,332). The actual number is much higher than reported in these government figures, considering the fact that many of the unemployed youth may not have registered with the government employment exchange. With more and more educated youth entering the job market in Kashmir, the situation is moving from bad to worse. It is not only the college graduates that are in the waiting for a job now, many of the jobless in the state now are highly specialized professionals with PhD’s, medical doctors and technical specialists. As per a report an estimated 48 % of the employable youth are currently unemployed, a figure which is alarmingly high considering that this youth bracket (of 18 to 30 years) forms the 71% of the population (census 2001). As per the report, the average number of earners in the families of unemployed persons was two while the average number of dependents was six, clearly signifying that the dependents to earners ratio in families was 1:3.

Unemployment stress:

Many of the unemployed youth in Kashmir are victims of stress and depression. According to a survey conducted by Action Aid International in Srinagar, Budgam and Pulwama districts of Kashmir valley nearly 29 per cent of the unemployed youth (male) surveyed smoke cigarettes in order to reduce anxiety and tension. There have been reported incidents of youth taking refuge in sedative drugs in the valley. According to the same survey as many as 12 per cent of the respondents, (including females) took sleeping pills to overcome stress. The high levels of unemployment and stress in the valley have also affected upon the marriage prospects of these youth creating more problems in the social setup.

Private Sector?

The private sector in Kashmir has never been a dominating force, while pre 90’s it was trying to gather some strength, post 90’s it collapsed due to the turmoil and the state apathy towards it. Soon industrial estates became camps for security forces and infrastructure crumbled. State industrial focus shifted to Jammu and with it also shifted massive capital influx and infrastructure development; Kashmir remained a ghost house. As of today majority of market products sold in Kashmir are manufactured outside of the valley, mostly in Jammu. The local industry has not been able to get a hold on its own, its reach is limited and employability is negligible. In the absence of a vibrant private sector in Kashmir, the government has always been seen as the employer of first preference and the last resort by the youth. There have been success stories of entrepreneurs in Kashmir, but they have been few and such success has come in spite of decades of state apathy towards this sector.

The state governments own experience with corporations has not been good with negative revenue. Most of it corporations are loss making which include J&K Handicrafts (S&E) Corporation ltd, JK Handloom Development Corporation Ltd , JK Industries Ltd , State Industrial Development Corporation, Small Scale Industries Development Corporation Ltd, JK Minerals Ltd, JK Horticulture Production and Processing Ltd, JK Agro Industries Development Corporation Ltd and J&KSRTC. Hence any hope of employment generation in these corporations is virtually nonexistent, except for a few ‘government nominated’ post fillings. Not only are the sick corporations eating into the state’s economic health, they have become a drain on the exchequer. The health of state finances could be gauged by the fact that the fiscal liabilities of the state increased from Rs 13,038 crore in 2003-04 to Rs 24,287 crore in 2008-09 and 28,735 crore in 2009-10 (CAG report for the year ended March 31, 2010). The call for disinvestment of loss making PSU’s grew stronger, for such disinvestment would not only help to generate much needed resources for the state but also make them economically viable and allow them to generate more employment avenues. But till date the government seems to be holding these corporations close to its own chest, letting the loss of these entities bleed its own purse.

National corporations like NHPC in Kashmir have also been denying locals their rightful share in employment. As per agreement between NHPC and Jammu and Kashmir government (1975), NHPC is bound to employ 50 per cent of its employees from the state in its projects in Jammu and Kashmir. But this agreement has not been followed by NHPC who have employed majority of non local employees in their projects in the state. According to sources 90% of engineers appointed by NHPC during 1999-2010 are from outside state.(The loot by NHPC of Kashmir natural resources has already been detailed in an earlier blog)

Minuscule number of Kashmiri youth have been trying careers outside the state, but more often than not most of these are the ones who might have initially ventured out for educational purposes and then continued there with career advancements.

A seed capital fund scheme launched by the state government for promoting SME among the unemployed youth has not been able to generate much enthusiasm in the state. The MSME sector may not have picked up to that extent partly because of lack of entrepreneur training with the unemployed youth, lack of market support for local products and dismal infrastructure in the valley which has been hampering industrial growth.

While the government cannot be the only employer hope for the aspirants, it lacks positive steps for mitigating this problem. The key to this problem could lie in creating financial self sustenance in the state, by which the local economy could create its own employment avenues. Kashmir civil society has already been demanding the return of power projects to the state which could turn the financial imbalance in favor of the common people. In fact Kashmir has turned into a consuming state where most of its needs are fed by products imported from outside the state. For creating a self sustaining model the government has to lay focus on production avenues in Kashmir. The government has also not succeeded in persuading any major business house to set base and tap the human capital of Kashmir in a big way. On the contrary some IT SME’s shifted base from Srinagar to Jammu in the last few years.

Unless the government does not do away with the ‘look up to Delhi for funds’ and create capacities in the local market for sustenance, no job schemes will work here. Trade and craftsmanship that survived centuries in Kashmir are dying due to state neglect; modern technology does not yield here due to crumbling infrastructure and failure to create human skill sets and product marketing opportunities. The neglect to the local economy has been for long; it will take more than a mere symbolic scheme or plan to recover.

But is the government really interested in letting Kashmir be economically self-sufficient? May be the political rhetoric does not want to see translated into practice.

As Nehru once famously said in Parliament "I'll bind Kashmiri’s in chains of gold."

Saadut

16th November 2011

The AFSPA disconnect on ground

2011-11-19T00:09:00.003+05:30

There has been lot of rhetoric on AFSPA lately in the power corridors of Kashmir. Media took the rhetoric bait and went into a AFSPA v/s no AFSPA debate, with many experts who never had ever experienced AFSPA themselves, distributing free ‘gyaan’ on this act and Kashmir. No soon had the political chair expressed views on AFSPA, Army raised the red flag demarcating their own lines on the ‘who has what of’ control in the state, political class seemingly relegated to spectator class. Not having to take the army ‘no’ as an answer, the political seat undertook a Delhi yatra hoping to get the political brass there aligned to this idea. The Delhi winter prevailed upon the Kashmir political chill and no real ice could be broken, fatigues stole a march and the political class escaped to some silence.

While the AFSPA talk generated a lot of debate outside Kashmir, on ground zero in the valley it was virtually a ‘no show’ political performance. Not that Kashmiri’s don’t despise the draconian law, but the amount of trust deficit for the power politicians on the ground is so high that no level of political posturing would prove the rhetoric spinning politicians sincerity towards the good of common people. The same political class that is viewed to have survived on the blood gore of the common man for decades could not make believe their cry against the same tool that nurtured their power continuity.

For those who have been clamoring for repeal of AFSPA must remember many of the human right violations in Kashmir have been blamed on the local police whose prosecution should have not been limited for the state by AFSPA. The promise of ‘action within 24 hours ‘ for the 29^th June 2010 killings of three innocent youth (aged 23 years, 20 years and 25 years), who were shot dead in the lawns of a house in SK Colony, Islamabad, Anantnag has not seen the light of ‘justice’ yet. Neither has the Sopore custodial killing of July 2011, which was described as “gross human right violation & inexcusable”, seen any of the promised “Swift & exemplary action. No delays, no cover ups, no excuses. That's all I can promise & ensure. It's not enough, of that too I'm aware” till date.

2010 saw massive protests where more than a hundred youngsters were shot dead by police and paramilitaries in Kashmir. The expressions of disillusionment and political discontent were met with bullets and jack boots. Hopes of any ‘justice’ farfetched, police have often been accused of not even registering basic FIR’s on most of the killings of 2010. And no the denial or approval for registering of proper FIR in killings is not subject to any AFSPA. Even after a lapse of almost two years there was no progress by the police in the killing of Tufail Matto, a teenager who was killed by a projectile fired by the police while he was coming back from tuitions in July 2010, prompting the Jammu and Kashmir High Court this September to ask the DGP (Director General of Police) for constituting a fresh SIT to probe the killing. Justice here too takes a backseat, while families run pillar to post, AFSPA or no AFSPA.

“There are cases that have seriously embarrassed us and put us on the defensive. Pathribal is one of them and unfortunately Machil is developing into another one. The reluctance of the defense establishments to be seen to be taking action on what clearly are the cases of human rights violations is something i am unable to paddle,” in an interview given to a national news channel. While they may be making Pathribal an example of ‘justice withheld’, the state has not been able to push New Delhi in providing the go ahead for prosecution of the accused. There has still been no prosecution in the Machil fake encounter where police have charge-sheeted 11 persons including a Colonel and 2 Majors of the Army, before the Court of CJM (Chief Judicial Magistrate) in North Kashmir, Sopore.

In a state where the writ of state runs less than the writ of fatigues, both the army and local police have been seen to violate human rights with impunity. Just days after 2 innocent civilians were killed by troops of Rashtirya Rifles near Bomai in north Kashmir (In Feb 2009) and hours after the home minister of India had promised action in the Bomai killings, Indian paramilitary CRPF killed an innocent carpenter (35 year old) at Kheegam village near Pakherpora. Justice again awaited.

It has been openly believed that many renegades have had political affiliations and patronage in Kashmir, renegades who have been accused of murdering countless innocent people. One among them a prominent renegade from Pampore is accused of killing 23 civilians from that area, and currently facing trial for killing a Nishat civilian 15 years ago. Not only have these renegades worked outside the ambit of law, the prosecution for their lawlessness never happened for decades, and this prosecution had nothing to do with AFSPA or no AFSPA. In yet another 14 year old case the state has not been able to pursue the successful extradition of Major Avtar Singh from California, USA, accused of killing human rights activist Jaleel Andrabi and many others in 1996, even after having been declared a proclaimed offender by court. And I am not sure if there is any clause in AFSPA stopping extradition of accused.

These custodial killings in Kashmir could just be tip of the iceberg, as per the APDP (Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons) around 10,000 have gone missing during the two decades of conflict pointing out that most of them went missing in custody. In fact APDP had released a report in 2008 called “Facts Underground” where it had mentioned about the presence of unmarked graves in Kashmir. The reports of 21,56 unidentified bodies at 38 grave sites in north Kashmir districts and almost 2500 unidentified graves from Poonch district adding to the worst fears of the families of the disappeared of Kashmir. The SHRC report called for probing of these unidentified mass graves by an ‘impartial agency’, “A proper FIR should be registered keeping in view the claims and investigated thoroughly by an impartial agency — not only in north Kashmir but across the state wherever such unmarked graves exist”. But any credible and impartial investigation is still awaited.

While we could go on and on listing the human rights violations by paramilitaries and police in Kashmir, there could be very few instances where justice may have been dispensed.

AFSPA should be undoubtedly revoked from wherever it has been implemented; an act which inherits its legacy from a British India Ordinance (AFO 1942) then used against the ‘Quit India’ movement, and cannot be used as a state tool in a democratic setup. Not only is the act draconian in nature, it closes all doors on human justice with failed redressal mechanisms. But before the politicians try to raise a din about this inhuman act, they need to do a retrospection of their own state apparatus. How many of rights violations from their own forces have been noted, prosecuted and acted upon? How does the political class use the state might to further political ends. Do the state attempts to barricade civil attempts for justice not go contrary to its claimed intent behind AFSPA revocation talk? It would be worthwhile if the process of ‘passing on dividends of peace’ and ‘ensuring justice’ got a start from the state itself. The incidents of ‘baptism by fire’ for the politician shall abound in Kashmir. Before the power corridors look out towards bigger power centers of New Delhi for remedies, they need to start the mechanisms of justice within this place.

On their part the Indian Army has also been attempting to create a greater space for itself in the decision making of Kashmir affairs. From its basic role of ‘assisting the civil administration’ it seems to have taken over the mantle from the same civil administration, assuming more self allotted powerful roles in this volatile region. ‘The Hindu’ (Nov 11^th 2011) reported “The Army's top commander in Jammu and Kashmir has said the country could be compelled to grant the State independence by 2016 if government plans to lift the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from some areas go ahead”. The statement raised more questions than it answered, about the intensions behind Army asking for continuity of AFSPA in the state. Was the act required to keep in check the few hundred militants reported to be operating in the state or was AFSPA a tool to be used in controlling the civilian population here? Whatever happened to the claims that the common population having been won over by democratic methods in Kashmir? At its best the statement pointed to the widening gap between the common Kashmiri and the Indian main stream, which was to be bridged by AFSPA.

Killings of civilians in Kashmir could be conveniently tagged by as ‘collateral damage’ but what do you tag the reports of rape by the men in uniform, protected by AFSPA? The village women of Kunan Poshpora, in north Kashmir await justice since February 23, 1991.

Pertinently when during the Bomai killings the state government promised protesting locals to relocate the local RR camp within 12 days, prompting a senior defense officer of northern command to comment that a district commissioner had ‘no domain over security issues and cannot dictate to us what to do’ (Greater Kashmir, March 7^th 2009). Finally the highest office of the state government had to take up the matter with New Delhi, only after which the camp could be ‘relocated’ 2 kms away. In a scenario where the state cannot on its own even get an army camp, accused of killing innocent civilians, relocated a few thousand meters, expecting them to flex authority for prosecuting the accused army officials is too much and then at the extreme end to revoke AFSPA is too much of dreaming. The interest of Army in continuity of AFSPA in Kashmir is seen as an attempt to hold on to unprecedented authority on the daily lives of civilians and in the fear of losing the impunity that they operate with. When the political administration cannot even ensure security of its civilian population from the forces that it was supposed to command for the protection of state, a political administrative catastrophe is ensured. The common man becomes the proverbial wheat being ground between the two grinding stones, one who is relegated to a mere war statistic.

Till the time barricades of justice in Kashmir are not removed and the political courage shown to unravel, uncover and accept the wounds inflicted on Kashmir and have justice delivered, Kashmiri’s shall take all the rhetoric talk as just another non-serious political repertoire. In legal terms AFSPA survives only on DAA (Disturbed Area Act) for which the state has all the powers to recommend revocation, on the ground level, in real terms such an action from the state is found wanting.

The intent of justice will hold true only when charity is started from home. And not all who call for justice against human rights violations are enemies of the state.

Saadut

Nov 19th 2011, Srinagar

AFSPA : Between political rhetoric and reality

2011-10-29T23:02:00.002+05:30

AFSPA has been often in the news for more wrong reasons than right. Human rights activists have accused the act to be ‘draconian’ giving sweeping powers to armed forces, powers which are often misused. The act has been known to provide unprecedented immunity to security forces that operate in AFSPA areas.

In its current form AFSPA (The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act) was passed by Indian Parliament on 11^th September 1958 for handing over more powers to the Indian armed forces in "disturbed areas" in the north east. The act was first introduced in the North East states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. After the start of insurgency in Jammu & Kashmir, the act was implemented there as The Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 in July 1990.

AFSPA has been derived from the British India “Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance-1942 (AFO)”. The AFO-1942 was enforced in British India soon after the Quit India Movement had started and Viceroy Lord Linlithgow promulgated the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance-1942 on 15^th August 1942. The ordinance was aimed at desisting Indians from participating in the freedom movement and gave ample rights to the British official machinery to arrest, torture and use force even to the extent of killing civilians on mere suspicion. The act was seen as an iron fist of imperialism in British India.

The Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 allows any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned officer or a person of equivalent rank in a ‘designated disturbed area’ to:

Fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law against assembly of five or more persons or possession of deadly weapons.

To arrest without a warrant and with the use of necessary force anyone who has committed certain offenses or is suspected of having done so

To enter and search any premise in order to make such arrests.

The act also gives sweeping immunity to the armed forces working under it, offering them unprecedented protection for their acts. The act states “Protection to Persona acting under Act : No persecution, suit or legal proceeding shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government, against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the powers conferred by this Act.”

It has effectively ensured that most of the excesses committed under the influence of AFSPA go unpunished and in most of the cases even after the crime may have been proven by investigating agencies, central government sanction for prosecution has not been granted.

An example of how AFSPA shields rights violators is the 25^th March 2000 Pathribal (in South Kashmir) incident where officials of 7 Rashtriya Rifles killed 5 civilians in a fake encounter whom they had earlier labeled as five "foreign militants". Protests by civilians against the fake encounter resulted in many more civilian deaths during police firing on these protestors and subsequently the state government was forced to hand over the case to CBI. The CBI conclusively proved by DNA matching that the five killed had been innocent civilians who had been picked up from various places and killed in a fake encounter for passing them as "foreign militants". Till date the prosecution of such cases has been withheld by the Government of India, hence justice remains elusive for the victims.

In another incident on 30^th April 2010, three civilians were killed in a fake encounter by the army troops in Machil sector of Kupwara in north Kashmir again labeling them as ‘foreign militants’. After protests by locals an inquiry was instituted and it was proven that the killed were innocent locals who had been lured by the army personnel to be killed in fake encounters near the LOC. Again on 21^st February 2009 army troops at Bomai in north Kashmir are alleged to have dragged out two civilians from a local taxi they were travelling in, fired at and killed them without any reasons. Such incidents of abuse of power and human rights violation abound in Kashmir.

AFSPA has been opposed and criticized at various levels. The United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) in 1991 questioned India on the validity of the AFSPA. In 2009 UN again protested against AFSPA when UN Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay asked India to repeal it. The implementation of AFSPA has come under severe criticism from human rights agencies, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) for several cases of human rights violations in the state.

On their part, government has often defended the act in that “AFSPA is needed ‘to counter terrorism and maintain law and order’” but in reality the law has not been itself sufficiently provided with checks and balances or any mechanism to ensure justice is delivered for human rights violations by the armed forces. In such a scenario the civil populations in AFSPA areas are often the ones at the receiving end with no hopes of justice. Even the implementation of the said act under same circumstances in different areas has not been viewed as justly uniform. In 2010 at least 120 civilians were killed in Kashmir unrest (majority of them kids and youngsters) when security forces fired on them, often blaming them for stone pelting: however the refrain shown by the same security forces in Jammu in 2008 during the Amarnath unrest was different, where angry protestors resorted to blockade of Kashmir valley and large scale violence. Even after the protests in Jammu had turned extremely violent resulting in the killing of two policemen, security forces did not resort to any firing on civilians. In Kashmir the actions of security forces is seen as a mindset of ‘us controlling them by any and all means’.

For the 21 years that AFSPA has been applicable in Kashmir there have been thousands of human rights abuses reported by Human Rights Groups (officially state reported about 133) and most of these abuses were of fake encounters, rape, killing in custody, torture, extortion. The ‘murder for medals and rewards’ has seen a repeated occurrence in the state but how many of these incidents saw prosecution and justice?

In June 2010 the SHRC (State Human Rights Commission) asked the State Government to take up the matter with the Central Government, stating that some officers and troopers with vested interests were misusing AFSPA (the Armed Forces Special Powers Act) for rewards and promotions. Chairperson of SHRC, Justice (Retd) Bashir-ud-Din remarked “In the garb of AFSPA, instances of killing civilians in fake encounters and dubbing them as militants have come to fore in the past also. This is a dangerous pattern which can have serious consequences besides intensifying alienation among the common people against the political dispensation”

Chief Minister Omar Abdullah recently announced that AFSPA would be removed from some parts of the State. According to some reports the revocation of AFSPA had already been planned in 2008 in a phased manner but the fall of PDP – Congress coalition government during the Amarnath land row came in its way. In October this year, addressing a police commemoration function in Srinagar, CM Omar Abdullah stated “with the gradual improvement in the security situation and return of peace, some laws (AFSPA) are being removed from certain areas within the next few days”. However soon after the Chief Minister had expressed his intentions for revocation of AFSPA from certain areas of J&K, army voiced its opposition to lifting of this controversial act. Even the coalition partner in state government, the state Congress chief raised voices in the AFSPA debate signaling a disconnect between the ruling coalition partners on the issue.

The other opinion:

According to some experts if the state government removed the DAA (Disturbed area act) AFSPA could automatically cease to be effective in J&K. Legal experts are of the opinion that in line with the constitutional status of J&K since central laws do not automatically apply to the state, AFSPA also did not directly apply to J&K.

In 1990 by the then Governor Jagmohan invoked provisions of DAA (Disturbed Area Act) to enable police act with special powers for combating militancy. In 1997 National Conference government led by Dr. Farooq Abdullah declared the state as ‘disturbed’ by bringing an enactment before the state legislature which replaced the old disturbed Area Act. The enactment that had been adopted by the state legislature expired after one year in 1998 and since then has not been extended, thus making the DAA legally ineffective. According to experts it is the state government which can propose and withdraw by notification any central laws having been applied on state. In fact legal experts have been questioning as to how the state can withdraw the DAA (Disturbed Areas Act) since the law ceased to exist on the statute book.

Noted lawyer and former Deputy Chief Minister, Muzafar Baig in 2009 had in fact moved a resolution in the J&K State Legislative Assembly to declare the existence of AFSPA in Jammu and Kashmir as ‘illegal and unconstitutional’ as DAA (Disturbed Areas Act) no longer was operational in the state. Ironically it was the same National Conference government led by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, which now calls for partial revocation of AFSPA, who then strongly opposed the resolution moved by Muzaffar Baig.

Of course where there is a will there is a withdrawal; the Manipur government in 2004 withdrew the AFSPA from some parts despite opposition from the Central government.

Contrary to some claims, revoking of AFSPA does not mean Army cannot act against ‘perceived threats’, only that now it will have to act under Criminal Procedure Act (CrPc) wherein the government can utilise help or services of the army alongside a magistrate.

AFSPA no end in sight:

The chief of Indian Army’s Northern Command (Lt. Gen. B.S. Jaswal) is earlier on record to have said “I would like to say that the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act are very pious to me and I think to entire Indian Army” (NDTV on 14^th June 2010). On the ground AFSPA has done equal or more damage by alienating the common people from the idea of India than any political alienation could ever have. It is this fear of human rights abuses, atrocities and the knowledge that no justice will be dispensed that has widened distances between New Delhi and common people on ground. Every jawan, ever soldier is seen as the ultimate authority in his little domain circle here, villages and far flung areas are known to have a dominance of military administration than the local civilian one with these unbridled powers. Ironically the same Indian army on peace keeping missions on UN assignments in hot spots across the world does not need any AFSPA to perform its duties; neither do the Indian security forces act with AFSPA when groups like MNS and SRS take metropolitan cities to violence hostage. So why only Kashmir and NE, maybe it is again the mindset inculcated within the security forces in these places of ‘us versus them’.

In fact utilizing the army with powers of immunity against civilians diminishes any hopes for a political solution to problems in these areas. Such actions and powers only erode the faith of common people, if any of it has been left in the first instance, pitting them more defiantly against the state and its strong arm tactics. As of now in spite of the political rhetoric on AFSPA, the act stays firmly on ground and so does the seed for alienation and human rights abuses.

Saadut

30^th October 2011

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight

2011-10-13T22:23:00.001+05:30

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight.

I can only see autumn trees wail in distances, mourning the sleeping kids massacred by the king.
I can hear the song of the rustling autumn leaves, who are trying to sing a lullaby, trying to cradle the earth of these sleeping kids.
I can make out the silent sobs of the mother who keeps playing with the toys her child left behind; I can feel the coarse hair of a battered father.
I can feel the darkness in my habitation; I see the feeble light shining in bleeding hearts, the faded fire of these hearths.

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight.

I hear the fruit seller still comes searching for Sameer with the new harvest of pears,

In the narrow interwoven lanes the jackboots that trampled Sameer have not erased,

I hear the friends of Tufail still call out his name, the children in us do hope for miracles like the return of loved ones from no return lands,

I see the picture of a smiling Fida hanging by his home has not learnt the wrinkled expressions he left his parents with

The bloom of the hundred gardens that were stomped has not been replaced; their winters never gave way to spring.

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight.

The narration of children stories still continues in their homes, now their mothers sit alone by the window to weave these characters

The cradles that these children played in lay motionless and blank, creaking sometimes in the still of the night to announce their grief

I see the vortex that has evolved in these eyes, the void of these faces, the questions with no answers.

The silence here creates its own deafening noises, the blankness shrieks almost from nowhere, pierces right through my heart

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight.

My eyes have tired searching for that moonlight, having got drowned in my own torrent; I can only pray for my Kashmir :(

Saadut

14^th October 2011

An unending search for truth : Unidentified mass graves of Kashmir

2011-09-30T18:19:00.006+05:30

Recently the Jammu and Kashmir State Human Rights Commission released a report 'Inquiry Report of Unmarked Graves in North Kashmir' wherein the SHRC has confirmed presence of 21,56 unidentified bodies at 38 sites in north Kashmir's Baramulla, Bandipora, Handwara and Kupwara districts. The investigation was conducted by an 11-member SIT under the supervision of an SSP from the investigative wing of the SHRC, for over 3 years. For long there have been accusations by civil rights groups against the Indian security forces in Kashmir for killing civilians in fake encounters and then claiming them to be militants.

The SHRC inquiry was initiated after they took suo-moto cognizance of media reports and repeated claims by civil rights groups including Amnesty International about the presence of unmarked ‘mass graves’ in Kashmir. According to the SHRC report there were 21 unmarked graves in Baramulla, 11 in Kupwara, 3 in Bandipore and 3 in Handwara areas of north Kashmir. As per the report all of these dead bodies had bullet injuries and had been handed over by the police to the local population for burial, classifying them as unidentified militants. It has been reported that of the dead a few bodies were defaced, five only had skulls remaining and there were at least 18 graves with more than one cadaver inside them. Of the more than 2000 bodies buried in these mass graves in north Kashmir (reports says that there are about 2730 bodies in these north Kashmir graves) 574 had been identified as local residents by their kin and out of them 17 have been shifted to their native graveyards, while 2156 bodies remain yet unidentified.

The report further says “There is every probability that these unidentified dead bodies buried in various unmarked graves at 38 places of North Kashmir may contain the dead bodies of enforced disappearances,” The report said the government did not account for 1,692 bodies.

However as per the APDP (Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons) around 10,000 have gone missing during the two decades of conflict pointing out that most of them went missing in custody, many of whom may have been buried in these unmarked mass graves. The APDP is an association of people whose kith and kin disappeared during the turmoil years, most of the family members claiming that their loved ones were picked up the security forces never to be seen again. The APDP had released a report in 2008 called “Facts Underground” where it had mentioned about the presence of unmarked graves in Kashmir.

The SHRC report further calls for probing of these mass graves by an ‘impartial agency’, “A proper FIR should be registered keeping in view the claims and investigated thoroughly by an impartial agency — not only in north Kashmir but across the state wherever such unmarked graves exist”

The reports about these unidentified mass graves is bound to create more distrust and cynicism among the local population who have been viewing the state government with pessimism. There have been further suggestions that DNA profiling be conducted on the dead bodies in these mass graves to match the relatives of the missing persons of Kashmir. The commission report further says that “The scope for DNA extraction is still very bright. As time goes, chances will be dim,”

The missing of Kashmir have been facing a strange identity crisis ‘neither dead nor alive’. Since there has been no trace of the missing for decades, no response from the government or the agencies that are accused of picking them up, it is hard to presume if they are alive or dead and it is their families often who bear the brunt of maximum agony. Wives of such men live lives of ‘half widows’ who know not if their husbands are living or dead and the children of such missing men keep searching for their fathers, most of these youth would have been toddlers when their fathers were subject to enforced disappearance.

Again in September 2011, the SHRC recommended investigation by an independent "representative structured". The SHRC bench recommended "An independent duly representative structured body having due credibility and weight, fully empowered to go in (to) all questions (and) aspects regarding unmarked graves, disappeared persons ... be constituted and put in place in time”.

Skepticism about Justice

However owing to past experiences people on the ground are skeptical about the any moves by the govt to unravel the whole truth and provide them justice: such skepticism is not unfounded. May be recalled in 25^th March 2000, Indian security forces claimed to have killed five "foreign militants" in Pathribal area of Anantnag District in south Kashmir. Officials then had claimed that security forces had after a gun fight blown up the hut where the men were hiding. The bodies charred beyond recognition were soon buried without any postmortem examination. Locals soon pointed out that the killed were innocent civilians and protests flared up seeking exhumation of bodies and identification of killed. After many protestors had been killed and injured in police action in Anantnag, the state government ordered an investigation about the Pathribal killings. DNA samples from the five bodies were sent for medical examination to forensic laboratories. However it was discovered in March 2002 that the DNA samples of Pathribal victims had been tampered with and the lab DNA samples were found to be of females instead of the five men killed at Pathribal. After the DNA fudging controversy fresh samples were collected and with these fresh DNA samples it was proved that the five killed were in fact innocent civilians. In January 2003 the case was handed to the CBI by the state government. The CBI investigation alleged that officials of 7 Rashtriya Rifles had in fact staged the fake encounter wherein they had killed the five innocent civilians and later on labeled them as “foreign militants”. In spite of a proven case against the officials, till date no action ahs been taken against them and justice has eluded the Pathribal victims.

In another incident in April 2010 a defense spokesman in Srinagar had claimed that troops had gunned down three infiltrators in the Machil sector of north Kashmir on 30^th April. Meanwhile locals in Nadihal village of north Kashmir Sopore had already been protesting seeking the whereabouts of three missing youth Shahzad Ahmad, Riyaz Ahmad and Mohammad Shafi. After protests had erupted and the news of missing youth became public, a magisterial probe was ordered by the government, bodies were exhumed and it was established that the killed were innocent civilians who had been killed by security force officials in fake encounter for career advancement, medals and monetary rewards associated with killing militants in Kashmir.

In September this year Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in a TV interview said “There are cases that have seriously embarrassed us and put us on the defensive. Pathribal is one of them and unfortunately Machil is developing into another one. The reluctance of the defense establishments to be seen to be taking action on what clearly are the cases of human rights violations is something I am unable to paddle”. Paradoxically Chief Minister is the head of ‘unified command’ which consists of arms of the same defense establishment: top brass of army, paramilitary forces, state police and Intelligence Bureau. So where does the buck really stop?

More unidentified graves

Meanwhile in another development the SHRC has taken cognizance of an application filed by the APDP (Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons), which claimed existence of more mass, unidentified graves in J&K, as per APDP application there are over 3,844 unmarked graves at 208 sites in Poonch and Rajouri districts of J&K.

Now news of 2500 unidentified more unidentified graves was coming from Poonch district, all buried by a lone 90 year old grave digger. According to statements given by the 90 year old Sofi Aziz Joo to a media correspondent, the bullet ridden bodies were handed to him by the police or army and many times these bodies were without limbs, some of these bodies were mutilated beyond recognition. In a single incident Sofi Aziz Joo recalls 16 bodies were buried in a single grave, and according to him all these burials were conducted without the involvement of locals for fear of protests. Incidentally the graveyard is close to the army garrison.

How many more unmarked, mass graves wait to be unraveled in Kashmir and how many civilians subject to enforced disappearance are lying in these graves only time will tell? Till the time justice remains elusive, the families of these disappeared will keep searching for the whereabouts of their loved ones.

But in the unending desolation of these graveyards in Kashmir the search for that one ray of hope continues, a quest for truth against all state enforced barricades.

Hope never dies.

Saadut

30^th September 2011

Graft Republic

2011-09-26T11:15:00.003+05:30

Anna Hazare came to Delhi, protested, fasted, drew supporting crowds and got the government to talk about corruption; while Kashmir looked on. For quite some time Kashmir has been maintaining top slots on the ‘most corrupt’ chart, a distinction the state could definitely do without. So what is the solution for Kashmir’s ever growing corruption index, an Anna type movement?

Corruption in Kashmir has grown into a multi-headed demon that keeps raising its ugly head virtually everywhere. From the most basic of services to the most core departments, allegations of corruption have been raised everywhere, for virtually all functions of the government. As per the locals nothing here happens without a graft, is it basic common citizen services like issuance of birth certificates, revenue records, PDS or any citizen governance delivery services. Turmoil in Kashmir seems to have given more fertile grounds for the growth of corruption in the state; during the turmoil, governance accountability was unheard of. The overnight rise of some of the lower middle class and middle class, present day elites happened during those turmoil years and not many of these present neo-elites can account for the sources of their wealth. The corruption rot has been institutionalized in such a way that anti graft action by the states premier vigilance organization is hardly been seen as an effort. As per official data available about the State Vigilance organization, for the past 6 years there have just 7 convictions per year (on an average) on corruption charges in the Anti-Corruption Courts of Jammu & Srinagar. Of a total of 42 cases since 2005, 9 have been in 2005, 8 in 2006, 5 in 2007, 6 in 2008, 11 in 2009 and 3 in 2010. Lower numbers of conviction definitely don’t mean lower cases of graft.

Pertinently in 2005 Jammu and Kashmir was ranked as India’s second most corrupt state by Transparency International (TI). In 2008 a survey conducted with special focus on BPL households showed alarming corruption in government services like PDS (Public Distribution System), electricity supply, municipal services and water supply services. In J&K the survey was conducted in 3 districts, where it was shown that the perception of corruption was the highest in capital Srinagar with 63 %, followed by Anantnag 48 % and Doda with 40%. In other services like revenue & land records, police as many as 70-80% household’s participating in the survey said that corruption was prevalent.

The institutionalization of corruption has happened in such a way that in many cases rates of graft are known to have been fixed at the lower level. This is especially the case with revenue services, public distribution system and other tier I basic social services.

As if the corruption in social services in J&K was not enough, allegations of corruption by police have reached a new high. Civil society activists and local lawyers have accused the police of detaining youth without charging them and then demand money from their families for release. These allegations have gained momentum especially after the 2010 unrest, when scores of youth were arrested. A local lawyer complains that in many cases despite having secured release orders from the court, families of these youth often end up paying money to police officials to get their kids released. As per news paper report a DIG of Jammu and Kashmir Police agreed that corruption was a problem in the police force, but said that they were trying to do something about it. Bureaucrats and high ranking officials in Jammu & Kashmir are known live exclusive lifestyles much beyond their manageable income sources and in very rare cases has any disproportionate assets case been initiated and convicted.

Corruption in high places has also been eating into the health resorts of Kashmir wherein illegal construction often with patronage from concerned authorities has played havoc with nature and ecology. Many illegal constructions in Pahalgam have been reported to come on government land and on the banks of the Lidder river, local officials either turning a blind eye or acting hand in glove. In many cases illegal constructions have been reported on grazing lands or forest lands destroying the local ecology there. It was only after the High Court intervened that a ban was imposed on constructions in this world famous hill station. However such encroachment and illegal construction activities continue unchecked in the peripheries of Pahalgam and other places. Already government apathy, patronized illegal encroachments and high corruption in designated authorities has almost nailed the coffins of world famous Dal, Nigeen and Wular Lakes in Kashmir, drowning billions of government money for ‘water bodies’ conservation’ into graft pockets.

In a conflict zone where official accountability may not mean much, the conflict has been milked by the corrupt to make hay without much hindrance. The RTI act could have changed much here but its halfhearted implementation on ground has left much to be desired, the RTI act came into force in J&K from March 20, 2009. Many government offices have been known to either ignore or out rightly refuse applicants request for information forcing the CIC (Chief Information Commissioner) Mr. G.R.Sofi to send an official communication to the Chief Secretary of J&K Mr. Madhav Lal, urging him to initiate measures which would refrain PIO’s (Public Information Officers) / state departmental heads to violate various provisions of the RTI Act. In a rare act of its kind, in August this year the CIC (Chief Information Commissioner) imposed a penalty of Rs 25,000 on Assistant Registrar SKUAST (K), Mr. Abdul Kabir Najar (who also acts as the Public Information Officer there), for refusing to provide RTI information to applicants right from October 1, 2010 till the filing of the RTI denial complaint. However such cases of RTO follow-up are very rare in Kashmir.

The state government has also been known to making very little effort in the cause of effective RTI implementation in the state. While the first CIC (Chief Information Commissioner) for J&K was recommended by the government in January this year, the government is yet to appoint the 2 Information Commissioners to make a full fledged working State Information Commission (SIC).

Not fully satisfied with the anti corruption measures of the state government, RTI activists in Jammu and Kashmir have been now demanding a constitution of a committee on the pattern of Lokpal bill panel to recommend changes in various anti corruption legislation's for eradicating this evil from the state. The State Vigilance Act (SVA) has been seen to be a very weak legislation which has so far failed to reign in corruption. In addition to the ineffective SVO (state vigilance organization), the State Accountability Commission which was put in place in 2004 has never been even effectively operational. The seriousness of the state government towards the functioning of SAC (State Accountability Commission) can be gauged from the fact that from April 2008 to May 2011 the SAC was left absolutely nonfunctional for being headless. Although the State Accountability Commission has no power to order punishment, it can only get an enquiry conducted and send recommendations to government, the SAC act has been sufficiently amended to exclude the bureaucrats from its scope.

The state government may have made many claims regarding its resolve to fight against corruption not much progress has been seen on ground level. Corruption seems to have taken control of all governance services without any fight back effort from the government. There has been a growing demand for setting up of institutions like Lok Pal and Lok Ayukta which would have the powers to work on complaints with enquiries, the power to order registration of FIRs and send cases for prosecution. But as such demands for effective legislation and strong anti corruption bodies have virtually been ignored, skepticism among local people is at an all time high.

Who will redeem Kashmir from the menace of this institutionalized corruption? And Kashmiri’s have a long list ready for such a crusader like their fight for justice, against custodial disappearances, death in custody, directionless state policies, economic deprivation, loot of state resources by corporations, and an apathy driven political class.

The anti graft movement is a challenge big enough, others are more herculean. Who will take the lead in Kashmir? Is Kashmir waiting for its own crusader or will the ‘corrupt class’ succeed in continuing to hold Kashmir to ‘graft ransom’?

Saadut

12th September 2011

An Autumn Denied

2011-09-06T16:08:00.001+05:30

Autumn arrives in early morning, but spring at the close of a winter day. ~Elizabeth Bowen

This autumn we were supposed to have a rendezvous with cherry picked intellect in Srinagar. The Literary Festival was supposed to be a gathering ‘THE voices’, and I along with the entourage of my extended family kids looked forward to it. Kids in Kashmir have been denied the childhood that their counterparts elsewhere enjoy: the access to colored animated boxes on paper, the amusing characters coming to life in pages don’t seem to happen in Kashmir. Kids here grow ahead of time: from toddlers to direct adults, childhood skips them literally. We had expected Enid Blyton, Panchtantara and Mark Twain to be read here. We expected ‘The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County’ to jump into Kashmir Autumn, to let Samuel Langhorne Clemens lighten our pain by his humor. But seems the ‘Jim Smiley’ in the organizers plot had bet on the wrong frog and as was in Mark Twain’s plot the frog did not move much to Jim’s (organizers) disappointment. Of course the organizers would not want to tell us that Mark Twain lived in Hannibal Missouri, which was a slave state and it was here that Samuel (Mark Twain) was familiarized with the scourge of slavery.

We expected the Panchtantra to be read here, some may say it is already being enacted in these lands. Wished to see how the organizers translate ‘The Cunning Hare and The Witless Lion’. Does the ruling lion really jump in the well fighting his own shadows? And then for those who have read ‘The King and The Foolish Monkey’ wouldn’t you want the organizers to describe the plot in the present times? Does the King’s monkey really use the dagger to kill the fly?

“The Wishing Chair’ (Enid Blyton) could not be included in the Literary Festival as the chair was tucked away in the corridors of power, ‘The Magic Faraway Tree’ could have been a part of Festival but we feared the organizers getting stuck in the ‘Land of Dame Slap’ on top of the tree. The shrewdness of the school teacher in ‘Land of Dame Slap’ would remind us of state’s state we were living in. Escapism the kids were looking at, not a reminder of the forced mute, the stick (read baton) that was already a part of their daily lives in Kashmir.

Heard that an author of Satanic fame was to grace this festival. The fair skinned writer was known to look from the corners of his cinemascope spectacles. I always wondered how the bald old man attracted such young beautiful women, his escapades often reminded me of ‘Beauty and the Bald (Beast)’ story of course sans the happy ending. His four marriages looked like power stints of a local politician, all neatly divided into time bands. Was Chetan of ‘the Vending Machine’ fame also roped in by the organizers? This would be the icing on the cake, having seen his Re 99 books being weighed by the ton on the payments of Sunday market Daryaganj. His ‘Two states’ title could define the local political narrative, a place with two states of power (the barrel & the speak): his ‘The 3 Mistakes of My Life’ could have identified with 1947, 1953 and 1987.

Unfairly there has been much criticism to the impending Autumn Festival, which was uncalled for. The festival did not have propriety rights on Kashmir speak nor did the critics, who should have been thankful for having got that social network ‘post window’ freedom to express themselves. And in any case enough Kashmir narrative had been included in the Literary Festival with ‘Hello Basti’e Khallar’: have we not been seeing “houe’n khayye basti’e Kahllar” in Kashmir for long? What new did the critics expect in this Autumn Festival? The festival could not be hijacked with Kashmir talk; the critics should have known that ‘Kashmir’ was not the world for the organizers.

Chickening out of the festival was entirely the kid’s loss; they missed on some real entertainment, some live performances here.

Even before the autumn in Kashmir had set, the Festival had run into winter. And typical of the Kashmir winter when all power, politics, governance escapes Kashmir, the organizers of the Literary Festival fearing frost bite decided against landing in the valley. The frost bite was self inflicted for them, our feet having got used to the mockery, these lands long resisted the makeup’s ‘Kashmir’ tag has been subject to. Like in the name of ‘Kashmir Handicrafts’ Amritsar and Nepal products have been sold in the markets for long, similarly under the garb of “Kashmir’ tag a vague political narrative, fiction instead of facts, delusions instead of reality has been sold by them. For those critics who criticized such attempts of camouflaging the real Kashmir narration under the banner of “Intellectual Renaissance Festival’ should have known such events are mere entertainment, mere comic. Treat them like that only.

These ‘Cherry picked Intellect’ were here to read stories and not all stories are real.

Saadut

6^th September 2011

(Pun intended, please don’t waste your energies firing views and counterviews on such an autumn)

Living in darkness

2011-09-02T13:04:00.001+05:30

Hum ko mayasar nahee mitti ka deya bhi
Gharr Peer ka hai roshan bijli ke charagoo se (Iqbal)

While Kashmir power projects lights homes outside the state, its own habitations continue to reel under darkness. Jammu & Kashmir has abundant water resources yet it continues to be severely energy deficient for its own use. The state has an estimated hydro-power potential of 20,000 MW’s (megawatts) of which 16480 MWs have been identified. Out of such huge identified hydro power capacities only 2318.70 MWs (14 percent of the potential) have been exploited so far.

The 2318.70 MW utilized generation capacities in J&K, state sector has only 758.7 MW’s from 20 projects which includes the 450 MW Baghlihar Phase-1 while NHPC has control over the major part of power generation in the state. The 1560 MWs of NHPC power generated in J&K include 690 MWs Salal Hydel Electric project, 480 MW Uri Hydel Electric Project and the 390 MW Dulhasti MW. There two private sector power projects generating 17.5 MWs.

NHPC is constructing seven more projects in J&K with a generation capacity of 2,797 MW where the state shall have only a 12% stake, which is far below the practice in other places where such projects are executed on a 50-50 generation partnership.

During the PDP led government in 2007 a three member ‘State Finance Commission’ team was constituted to suggest measures for equitable development of all regions of the state. The Commission submitted a report to the government pointing to the colossal losses the state suffered on account of IWT (Indus Water Treaty) and exploitation of state’s water resources by NHPC. The Commission pointed out to the economic losses incurred by the state for the last six decades due to exploitation of its water resources were huge and recommended increase in the royalty from power projects being run in the state by NHPC, which was at a meager 12%, for compensating the losses.

Locally the NHPC has also been referred to as the ‘East India Company of Kashmir’ for the manner in which it has been exploiting water resources of J&K with the state hardly benefiting from these projects. In fact a senior minister of the present government Mr. Taj Mohi-ud-Din in June this year said that NHPC is “behaving like the East India Company in Jammu and Kashmir and draining the state’s power potential.” NHPC has also been accused of ignoring local employment opportunities in its projects in J&K, most of its workers having been drawn from outside the state while as NHPC is supposed to take 50 percent staff from the state (as per 1975 orders).

Salal Puzzle:

According to sources the Salal power project was started in 1973 by the Union ministry of power and irrigation (GOI) while the NHPC was formed in 1975. As per the decision of the state cabinet (537 taken on 15 December 1980) it was conveyed to GOI that NHPC should be allowed to go ahead with the project, provided it agreed to share the generated power & profits with the state on a 50-50 basis, but till date the state has been only getting 12% of the generation. As if the low royalty issue was not enough, the state has not been handed over the project which should have been done in 2003 after the stipulated depreciation period was over and against a payment of 10% of the project cost ( as per the JKSE Act 1971). Attempts by the state authorities to get back Salal project as per set agreement have not yielded any results with New Delhi.

Indus Water Treaty (IWT), India Pakistan and Kashmir waters (1960):

After India and Pakistan gained independence, water sharing became a contentious issue between the two neighbors. 1960 Indus Water Treaty (IWT) was arbitrated by the World Bank (then the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development). As per the treaty India holds exclusive rights to three major rivers of Sutjul, Beas and Ravi, while Pakistan has the rights to three large rivers Indus, Jhelum and Chenab that flow from Indian part of Kashmir. This treaty has denied the Kashmiri’s any right to harness the hydro potential of these rivers, depriving them of opportunities. According to some reports the state is incurring a loss of 6500 crores annually due to the IWT between India and Pakistan. The losses are not only felt in the power generation sector but also the agricultural sector. Due to the restrictions of efficient water management put on Kashmir due to IWT the state has not been able to harness its agricultural potential fully as a result of which the state imports food grains worth Rs 1200 to Rs 1400 crore annually.

In Kashmir, Delhi is seen as controlling the power generation projects in Kashmir and not allowing the state to develop such projects on its own. This move is also seen as a potential geo strategic leverage Delhi might use to deal with Pakistan at the cost of Kashmir. J&K government had some time back secured funding from various IFI’s (international financial institutions) to construct hydroelectric projects in the state, including the Kishenganga project in north Kashmir, but New Delhi refused to give counter guarantees. The refusal effectively put brakes on attempts at power sector self reliance within the state using its own resources, and such a move by New Delhi ended up with the project being handed over to NHPC which is already criticized in the state for exploiting the energy resources of J&K.

The irony :

The deficit in state’s power sector is likely to touch Rs 1,800 crore, the T&D losses (Transmission and Distribution) hover around 60 percent for 2011-12. In projections made by the state’s Power Development Department (PDD) the power purchase cost of the state is likely to jump to Rs 2,944 crore against the expected revenue of Rs 1,136 crore. The losses are not only because of non realization of set revenue targets, the recurring T&D losses (67.50 % for 2006-07, 61.90 % for 2007-08, 61.31 % for 2008-09 and 65.78 % for 2009-10) but also the high costs that the state has to pay for the electricity that it buys from NHPC. NHPC sells the same power to the state at astounding rate of Rs 8-12 per unit which it generates in the state at around 60 paise. Such an arrangement where the state has to buy back its own power at almost 24 times the production cost can be best described as anarchic.

Civil society members have pointed out that the Rs 19,000 crore power generation plan under the Prime Minister’s ‘Economic Reconstruction Programme’ meant for J&K has actually benefited NHPC. According to reports the Prime Minister grant for power sector in the State under Prime Minister’s Economic Reconstruction Program never reached the State exchequer, instead went to the NHPC account. Voices from the state have already been raising objections to this diversion. In fact a representation of civil society group has recently filed an RTI to get information regarding the status and details of three major power projects under the control of NHPC in Jammu and Kashmir.

This summer the power requirement of the state pushed up to 2300 MW while PDD (Power Development Department) was able to only manage 1500 MW. As per sources against a peak summer power demand of 1300 MW for Jammu PDD could only provide almost 600 MW and against a power demand of 800 MW in Kashmir the department (PDD) supplied only 400 MW. The condition in Kashmir during winter months worsens when power requirement goes up and generation on the ‘run of the river’ power projects in J&K dwindles sharply, leaving many areas without electricity for major periods.

Owing to the mess that the power sector in J&K is in, there are severe power shortages in the state and curtailment is a norm here especially in the Kashmir valley. Some areas of the capital Srinagar have been known to reel under 12 hour power cuts, and almost all areas have load shedding schedules in place. Even thought the first power house came up in Kashmir in 1905 which boasted of being South Asia’s second only Hydro Power House at that time, but more than a hundred years later there are many areas of the state where electricity has not reached yet.

Private Investment:

The policy to lease out the work in the power sector to private players was adopted in 2003. The Athwatoo Hydro Power Project in Bandipora with a capacity of 12 MW is seen as a good start to the private sector venturing into power projects of the state. Constructed at a cost of 77 crore rupees and was build in the stipulated time frame, the ASHP (Athwatoo Small Hydel Project) has been built by a local Kashmiri entrepreneur. Originally the state PDC (power Development Corporation) had put the potential of this power project at 7.5MW, but when the local entrepreneur got a fresh survey done by experts the project turned out to be 12MW. The state of art ASHP is managed and maintained by its parent company involving local employees and has been marked as a green project which is likely to earn carbon credits.

Committees formulated but no action:

In March 2005 Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh appointed Dr Rangarajan head of an 11-member task force to frame a long-term plan for the integrated social and economic development of J&K. The objective of the committee was to identify finance opportunities for development of the state.

In October 2004 the state government formally approached the Prime Minister to transfer overdue Salal Power Project (owned by NHPC) in J&K. Reluctance from ministry of power GOI to act on this, the PM send this requested to Dr Rangarajan for report and analysis. After due study Dr Rangarajan suggested that New Delhi offer J&K an alternative package in lieu of the Salal Power project that would make the 450-MW Baglihar debt-free from day one of its commissioning.

The Ministry of Power GOI after receiving the said report rejected the transfer of Salal to Kashmir and also the alternative proposed thereby leaving the state in a limbo.

As a part of final report submitted by the ‘11-member task force’ headed by Dr Rangarajan the energy sector again was as a part of the core recommendations. It was suggested that New Delhi transfer the 330-MW Dul-Hasti power project back to the state and also recommended the shifting to 1020-MW Bursar project along with the funds to execute it, to the state from NHPC. Incidentally the Bursar project was given to NHPC by Dr Farooq Abdullah. While the report and recommendations of the Dr Rangarajan task force were accepted but its recommendations were not implemented!

There is no surety when and if the state government will be able to get back what rightfully belongs to the state. NHPC with the backing of central government is in no mood to hand over the power projects back to the state even after the stipulated period, the losses incurred by J&K due to the IWT are likely to mount and till then there are more dark times for the people of J&K.

Saadut

2nd September 2011

Waiting for a Passport

2011-08-31T19:01:00.000+05:30

“I want to grow, I want to study and make a carrier but I have been unable to move out of this cadge. My passport application is pending for disposal for the last 2 years and I don’t see much hope” says Mohammad Bilal an IT professional from North Kashmir. He is not the only one who has been desperately trying for a passport in Kashmir; there are many others who have been waiting years together for their passports. Applications of many may have been out rightly rejected while others are just ‘under processes’. Getting a passport in Kashmir is viewed as nothing short of a miracle. Often these passports are denied or delayed unending on flimsy grounds. Take the case of Mohammad Bilal where his CID report has been adverse because ‘one of his cousins passed over to Pakistan many years back’. The cousin may not even be the immediate kin of the applicant, but that has been reason enough used to stop him issuance of a passport. At the receiving end of the ‘denial of passport policy’ are common people who find it tough to wade through the innumerable departments involved in the pre issuance checks, often the multiple agencies involved in these checks find one reason or other to create a red line for passport issuance.

A 52 year old business man of North Kashmir Baramulla, Mohammad Maqbool Tantray claims to have applied for a passport three times, denied each time. The CID refuses to clear him as one of his cousin Ghulam-u-din died in an encounter with the Army in 1999. Mohammad Maqbool says that ‘even though I am not even remotely connected to militancy” the concerned department refuses to clear him.

The levels of scrutiny for Kashmir’s are multifold. Passport applicants have to clear at least four security agencies / levels in Kashmir: the CID, CIK (Counter Intelligence Kashmir), SBK (Special Branch Kashmir) and of course the local police station. Such a process takes months and in many instances cases have been awaiting clearance for years. Compound with this the fact that owing to the annual ‘Darbar Move’ where in government offices shift to Jammu every six months the CID main office also shifts for six months to Jammu, making accessibility to this office and any redressal hopes for local Kashmiri’s difficult for almost half a year. But it seems only common Kashmiris have to bear the brunt of the seemingly endless trail of a passport, most of the separatist leaders have been issued passport, who have been travelling abroad frequently without any hindrance.

Strangely enough such scrutiny and time delays are also practiced for passport applications of infants, kids or 80 year old senior citizens. As a passport applicant put it “nobody in Kashmir is outside the ambit of mistrust”. Even passports of infants may take months or more and subject to the same verification levels that adults have to go through. Verification would not have been a problem for most Kashmiri’s but the process is so slow and full of hurdles that it most cases applicants have lost hope. In many cases people who were arrested and later acquitted have also been denied a passport in Kashmir. The J&K high court in October 2009 passed a land mark judgment holding that an acquitted person has the right to hold a passport. Cheif Minister Omar Abdullah is on record to have stated in the State Legislative Assembly (March 2011) that “"When separatist leaders like Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq can get passport to visit outside the country, why not the kin of militants”. This statement has however not been able to translate into much action on the ground.

In Kashmir even some supporters of main stream pro Indian parties face difficulties in obtaining a passport. A middle rung leader of a pro India political party applied for passport in 2002 and even after 8 years his passport was yet to be issued. His crime is brother Noor-ud-Din Malik had migrated to Pakistan after the 1947 partition along with his uncle. While as all partition and post partition migrants may have been assimilated in both these countries, the kith in Kashmir continue to suffer state mistrust.

Basharat Baba a budding footballer of Kashmir was born in turmoil hit Kashmir. Father Bashir Ahmed Baba joined militant ranks when Basharat was 2 months old. Bashir later came out of militancy and served a jail sentence. The foot ball talent of Basharat was identified young and groomed by Argentinean citizen Juan Marcos Troia, a FIFA-accredited football coach. Juan Marcos runs a football academy called the International Sports Academy Trust, and an exchange programme to Brazil for his most talented players. Basharat was soon chosen to travel to Brazil, where he would play with reputed clubs and develop his football carrier. However he was soon denied a passport because of his father’s past association with militants for which his father had already served jail. After the matter was highlighted by media CM Omar Abdullah promised help, but inspite of the assured help the passport came only too late. Basharat got a passport 18 months after CM Omar Abdullah had intervened and by then it was already too late for him to join the Brazilian clubs. Basharat was grounded even before takeoff, his carrier bought to naught. Stories like Basharat and Mohammad Bilal abound in Kashmir. In fact film director Ashvin Kumar was so moved by Basharat’s story that he made an award winning movie ‘InshaAllah Football’. The film has been critically acclaimed and won a ‘Special Jury Distinction prize’ at the Dubai International Film Festival. Director Ashvin Kumar’s earlier film “Little Terrorist” was nominated for an Oscar in the Live Action Short category.

Youngsters like Basharat have grown in a mayhem consumed Kashmir; their childhood has been devoid of opportunities available in other places. If they are not allowed to grow and venture out, where will their energies and dreams channel out to in desperation? Containment will result in nothing but bitterness and delusions.

The Passport is their only hope to move out, learn and grow.

Saadut

(Published in People's Post 16th August 2011)

Redefining the moderate

2011-07-10T20:20:00.000+05:30

If I stick to my religion I am termed as a fanatic: if I prick holes in it I am a moderate.

If I defend the right to my beliefs I am an ‘prayer capped terror suspect’ : If I let one and all trample my beliefs (if any of these are still left within me) I am a moderate.

If I protest the state barricading my prayer halls, my shrines I am an extremist: If I show indifference to my holy places I am a moderate.

If I voice concern against the state denying me the right to Idd-e Milad processions I am an extremist: If I keep quite I am a moderate. Another point the state allows all other religious processions in my vicinity and I wholeheartedly welcome them.

If I voice concern about human rights of my people trampled, erased and forced to a holocaust, I am an extremist. And when I also raise concern about rights of other communities in my land, ‘Ohh these are nothing but crocodile tears’.

If they demolish my prayer places and I protest, I am a fanatic: If I keep quiet and allow the prayer place rubble attempt to bury my faith I am a moderate.

If I demand my democratic rights I am a Talibanised Extremist: If I allow you to force puppetry and remote stringed jackboots upon my land I am a moderate.

If I remind you of the horrendous wrongs done to my people, who stand decimated by sheer muscle & barrel I am an extremist: If I allow them to carry on this mayhem and blood gore I am a moderate.

If I correct your attempted distortion of our history I am a fanatic: If I agree to all your half truths and malicious lies I am a moderate.

If I dream and strive for justice for my homeland I am an extremist: If I let the jack boot march on the hapless souls of my homeland become a norm without any whimper or defiance, I am a moderate.

If I want to live free, without suffocation, chains, barricades, free from the shadows of barrel, free from anarchy, free from devils clutches, I am an extremist : If I let you barter my homeland, sell its bounties, bruise my soul, kill my nation, create an empire on body counts, I am a moderate.

If this is your definition of a moderate, I may not be the one you are looking for.

Saadut

10^th July 2011

Speaking Mind

Of Myths and Facts: Kashmir

Cadged at home, Harassed outside

Winter Opportunities : Frozen By State Apathy

The Excuse of ‘Freedom of Speech’

Koshur ‘mini reactor’

One Thursday

Of Pheran’s & Pheran’s

Solider and the Graveyard

Saadut 20th Dec 2011

Koshur Social Networks – Once Upon A Time

Bottled tourism?

Conversions: Faith on sale

Economic opportunities denied : Kashmir

Minuscule number of Kashmiri youth have been trying careers outside the state, but more often than not most of these are the ones who might have initially ventured out for educational purposes and then continued there with career advancements.

The AFSPA disconnect on ground

AFSPA : Between political rhetoric and reality

I cannot see the moon from my window tonight

An unending search for truth : Unidentified mass graves of Kashmir

Graft Republic

An Autumn Denied

Living in darkness

Waiting for a Passport

Redefining the moderate

Saadut
20th Dec 2011